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Box 9, Folder 23, Complete Folder

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023.pdf
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  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Complete Folder
  • Text: - OMMUNITY RELATIONS COMMISSION 1!03 CITY HALL, ATLANTA GEORGIA 30303 Mayor Iva n Allen, Jr. City Hall �REPRINTED FROM THE LOS ANGELES TIMES, SUNDAY, JUtY 24, 1966 THE POOR'S ANGRY VOICESA WARNING AND A THERAPY JACK JONES / ) PROTEST-"Shouting at a public official . . . is a demonstration that the poor and minorities have ... power to challenge the 'big chief.'" Times drawing "The Negro built this nation; let's burn it to the ground!" thundered a delegate to a recent convention of the poor in Fontana. "We have found the only way to move the power structure," cried another, "is to tell them what will Times staff writer ] ones' s principal assignments are in the civil rights, welfare and poverty fields. happen if they don't meet our demands. The truth was proved in Watts." These cries of outrage, heard time and time again whenever the rebellious poor or less privileged gather, certa inly are discomfiting to members of an affluent society. They expose the latent distrust and hatred of the so-called "power structure"; they ring with undertones of terror and possible anarchy. But viewed with an awareness of other protest movements of history, they reflect the not abnormal outcry of a people suddenly offered a chance to vent their frustrations . Some of th e very people who have been the recent targets of vi tuperative attacks by the unsophisticated and uned ucated regard those outbursts as healthy. The Shriver Incident Sargent Shriver, who directs th e antipoverty war that has had much to do with releas ing th e angrv �place for gang leaders; and the WSO newspaper may fairly be called inflammatory in its constant and exaggerated preaching against the police for alleged brutality. In the SCLC offices, many of the staff members wear buttons bearing the legend "Anybody But Daley," and many of the local rights leaders joining hands with Dr. King are people who spend their lives trying to undermine the Daley machine politically. In these surroundings, Dr. King's non-violence becomes, at the best, confusing-to the white community and to the Negroes. Dr. King came into the city and took over a rights movement in which many of the activists had carelessly talked bruta lity and violence for too long. That talk had its effect and is still having it. Thus the riot clarified the argument over black power. The rioters knew that riot is the negation of civil order, but they have now found it is also the dissolution of all power, political, moral and economic. The trophy of r iot is destruction; but, when Dr. King rightly tells the residents of the ghetto that they have little stake in this society, he cannot easily convince them they should not destroy it. That is the logic of events, and it has caught Dr. King out, along w ith the rest of Chicago. Riot's triumph is death. Almost miraculously, there was little death in the riot here. Two-or three persons-died, killed by stray bu llets. One was a man from Mississippi and the other was a 14-yearold girl whose baby was stillborn as t he mother died. Considering the amount of shooting for three days, this toll is small. There were snipers everywhere. Wednesday night there was random shooting from the windows of a high rise city housing project, some of it aimed by neighbors at neighbors. Thursday night there was a spectacular gun battle between the residents of another high rise and the police. There were gun battles up and down streets. The mere number of weapons being u sed on both sides seemed incredible. Has the white community started now to arm itself against such another battle? No one will guess. Police officials keep a tight lip on the subject, saying they do not want to indu lge in psychological warfare. The youth gangs, both Negro and white, are superbly armed, but there is no evidence that they were conducting the gun battles. One is left with the uncomfortable notion that the citizens in general are well supplied with the instruments of death, and that the temperature of violence has r isen sharply a ll over the city as a result of the riot. It is certa in that the riot has frightened both Negroes and whites. The wide publicity given locally to the youth gangs-most of it enormously exaggerated-has terrified the old Negro leadership and many of the Negro church and community leaders. The same publicity, and the violence of the riot, have produced a noticeable rise of hostility among w hites against the Negroes and against the civil rights drive. The politicians, even if they had decided to make some concessions t6 Dr . King toward racial integration, are now severely constricted by t heir constituencies. Innuendo and Rumor In th e search for causes of the riot, meanwhile, everyone seems to be trying to ignore the solution to the great problems. They contin ue to rely on accusation, innuendo and even rumor as an excuse for not doing what must be done. The youth gangs ar e blam ed, and there is talk of subversive groups, without any reflection that in a well-ordered society a subversive group has not much of a chan ce, but that in a riotous situation it has every advantage. The politicans are blaming Dr. King fo r stirring u p trouble, but they know he is voicing real grievances; they just cannot believe there is not some kind of conspiracy at work, but they have little ev idence for one. It may be said fairly that they despise the man who has troubled their consciences. Dr. King blames the politicians for raising Negro hopes and then not ful filling them, but he himself has been singularly maladroit in finding ways to cooperate with them while allowing them to save face. He has deliberately ignored the fact that the politicians are elected by the white majority as well as by Negroes, and that the majority ranges ·from timid ly liberal to solidly r eactionary, that it can be led, bu t not pushed. Hard as Marshmallows Perhaps the only people who found their views and themselves justified in the riot were the teenage gang leaders who w ill tell you bluntly that all the adult leaders on both sides are empty, greedy and dev ious, and about as hard as marshmallows. If the people of the ghetto are looking for a purpose a nd the youths are looking for a hero-as one suspects they are-an honest man would have to tell them to look elsewhere; for the rocks and bullets and clubs that destroyed windows and buildings also demolish ed a whole structure of plaster saints, black and white. Without the saints, we are left with human beings to deal with the gut issues. The heroes remain to be made ou t of the violence and chaos. �OTIS CHANDLER PUB Ll ~ HE.R no ackno w l edgment necessary �REPRINTED FROM THE LOS ANGELES TIMES, SUNDAY, JULY 24, 1966 THE CHICAGO RIOTS \ llOLENCE WITI-IOUT A PLOT D. J. R. BRUCKNER Then, not that man do more, or stop pity; but that he be u;ider in living; that all his cities fly a clean flag . . . Poet Kenneth Patchen However, if a riot has any benefit, it lies in this, that it brilliantly illumi nates, for a moment, the logic of events: extreme violence tends to force the hands of people, and suddenly theoretical positions a nd legal principles all look quite different. What happened in Chicago is not very mysterious if one looks simply at it. Search for a Plot CHICAGO The worst aspect of a riot is that it causes an over-reaction in the community; the people panic. Revolutionaries have understood this since the ancient world and have sometimes used it to their own advantage. There are signs of serious over-reaction in Chicago to the riots that ripped up the W est Side from July 12 to July 15. Part of the panic is purely self-protective, of course. Political, economic and religious leaders of the community discovered in the midst of violence that they ha\·e less control than they would like, or indeed than they should have; and they found D. ]. R. Bruckner is chief of The Times news bureau in Chicago . they haYe less information than they need, to act. Civil rights leaders on the whole discovered much the same thing. A number of city officials and police officers, however, are responding to the demands of the white majority in the city, and are looking for a plot or conspiracy, whether it be one concocted by youth gangs or Communist-inspired groups, or by political hotheads. A lot of investigators are scurry ing around looking for this alleged plot, and, God help us, they may even find one. Any little old mangy plot, however crazy or ineffectual, will serve very well to salve the. conscience of the city. The fact is that the riot was aimless. There is an instructive comparison available to this city. Last month there was a considerable riot in the city's Puerto Rican community. Compared with the violence on the Negro West Side, the Puerto Ricans' riot was a model of order and purpose. Theirs was a violent demonstration against a breakdown of communication. There was a certain happiness about it at times, as when the crowds lifted a man who had been bitten by a police dog to their shoulders and paraded him through the streets as a hero. The Puerto Ricans are at least a community among themselves. After their riot their leaders attended public hearings and aired their grievances, and these were the same grievances one could hear any P uerto Rican on the streets talking about. Total U nhappiness What struck one about the riot among the Negroes was the total dissolution of a neighborhood of perhaps 350,000 people; the hatred not only against the white power structure, but against one another; the factions that battled against one another; the total unhappiness of it. This was not a happy riot, a nd even some of the boasting leaders of the teenage gangs admitted they were afraid. Afterwards, no one could fully define the grievances of the community. The riot was started by an altercation over the turning off of a fire hydrant. One's white neighbors who live out on the lakefront do not accept this explanation at all, but it is true. In the West Side ghetto a major riot can be caused by the turning of a wrench; no plot is n eeded and no reign of terror by gangs. Field workers from two city commissions working in the slums, others working for the YMCA, crusad- �ing pastors and some police all know that riots have almost broken out several times in recent weeks over mere rumors, the transfer of a fa vorite priest from his parish, or an arrest. This is not to minimize the organized aspect of the riot. There are gangs and they are a serious problem, and there are some revolutiona ry groups in the ghetto. But life in the ghetto is normally violent and brutal; it does not take much to set off a riot. The white man outside the ghetto can scarcely realize the power of a rumor on the West Side, for instance; his mind cannot take it in. He really does not know the life of the poor, Negro or white, or how suspicious that life is. At 3 a.m. July 14, in the mid st of the riot, a reporter was attacked by a large rat on a West Side street corner. Two teen-age Negro boys, returning, they said, from a riot fora y, beat off this beast with a baseball bat and a board, explaining they were happy enough to fight rats which are, on the whole, worse than w hite newsmen. Filled With Rats The slums are filled with rats ; rats are the manife st evidence of the inhumanity out there. They are eve ry wh ere, a long with the debris of demolished buildings, the dirt in the streets, the cheap bars. People grow up among the rats and li ve with them. Th e West Side is mostly the home of the Negro poor. In this it differs vastly from the South Side where perhaps 450,000 Negroes live ; many of them li\·e \\·ell , some live magnificently. On the West Side e\·en childhood has degenerated into gang warfare, extortion, intimidation, physical punishment a nd even occasional murder. Adult life is merely a n ex tens ion of thi s violen ce. In such conditions on e does not h a ve to explain riots by plots. May or Ri cha rd J . Daley, during th e riot, said there we re "outs iders" promoting the riot. Perhaps there w ere. But a ll those a r rested lived on the West Side a nd police di d not find the outs iders. Angry with Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., the mayor demanded to know from him "w hether other cities have no problems." P erhap s they ha ve, and Dr. King is indeed an outs id er. But last summ er th e mayor was face d with th e probl em of nuns staging a sit-in on the world 's bu siest intersection to protest the slum s, a nd they were not outs id ers. The may or's pouting is not dignified; it is childi sh. But it refl ects th e attitude of the white majority whi ch still elec ts him and w hi ch resents being jostl ed. In ra ce rela tions in thi s city, the bulk of the white peopl e treats th e mayor like a ser vant who is hired to br ibe th e minoriti es into civ ic order. Thus a riot produ ces a sudd en munificence from city hall, of hyd rant sprinklers a nd swimming pools a nd hou s ing projects. P e rvas ive Con ception Th is con ception of the may or's offi ce is so per\·asi \·e that even many Negroes h ave come to beli eve it, a n d t he lead in g Negro politicians, w ho a re pa rt of Da ley's De mocratic Pa rty machi ne , act ua lly enfo rce it . But the g ifts of city h all hide th e bas ic p ro blem about the l'\egro ghetto. The pr oblem is th a t most of th e peop le in t he gh etto simp ly do not sh are in any \\·ay in the life of t h e ci ty . Their ali en a tion is an eno r mous spir itu al wa ll built u p of uncountable and ancient indignities; it is the wall of the city. The problem is to break down the wall. Dr. King, when he opened his civil rights drive here two days before hell broke loose, thought he had at least part of the machinery to break down the wall. But the riot, which illuminated society's flaws, also illuminated some serious weaknesses in Dr. King and his approach. The first thing that became evident was that in Chicago Dr. King, the patron saint of non-violence, was leading a collection of local civil rights groups whose leaders include a few pretty violent people. This problem results from a structural weakness in the King method. Dr. King's Southern Christian Leadership Conference suffers from a lack of troops and thus it is plagued by indiscriminate recruitment when it enters a city. In a big city like Chicago, where there are 900,000 Negroes and only a percentage of these favor Dr. King, the flaw can be fatal. Little Influence Dr. King very quickly discovered he had little influ ence in the West Side community. When he walked the streets on the first night of riot pleading for non-violence some young Negroes laughed at him . When his aides showed films this past spring of the Watts riots to illustrate the danger of violence, some youths applauded. Youth gang leaders who met with Dr. King as the riots subsided on the night of July 15 said they might turn to nonviolence and again they might not. Some of these gang leaders told a reporter they had met several times with SCLC officials long before the riots, but Dr. King had no program for them , so the youths gave up on him. One of them called him a "hit-and-run m essiah. " His prestige suffered enormously in the Chicago riots. The Sunday before the uproar started, he had stood in Soldier Field and debated non-violence as against "black power " with none other than Floy d McKissick of the Congress of Racial Equality, the preach er oi black power. The riot cooled that philosophical a rgument permanently, on e gathers. For th e riot has turned not onl y the whites aga inst Dr. King, but the Negro power structure as well; and his ci vil rights movement he re is in immedi a te dan ger of passing into th e hands of the old-time politicians. Dr. King finds himself in the position of either becoming the high priest of all the poor and only the poor, or getting out, quickly. In either case, he has been pus hed-violently if y ou will-in the direction of the McKissick position, th a t Negro rights must inv olve Negro political power. Further, no matte r how much Dr. King protests that hi s Chicago drive is not partisan a nd not v iolent, the riot exposed clearly tha t many of the people around him are ve ry pa rti sa n a nd a few a re v iol ent. Violen t and Non-Violent One of his top ai des, t he Rev. J a mes Bevel, told alm ost 50,000 people at the J u ly 10 ra lly tha t "we wa n t the violent and the n on-violent to join w ith us." Tha t seems pretty straigh tforward . Among the pe rsons a tten d ing a con fere n ce with the mayor th e clay before the r iots started was Ch ester Rob inson of th e West Side Organi zati on , · a loca l civ il r ights grou p. R obi nson is n ot person ally a v iolent man, but hi s h ead qu a rters h as becom e a con venient gath ering �voices by financing community action programs seeking to involve the poor in the solution of their own difficulties, was shouted down in April w h en he attempted to address a conference called by the Citizens Crusade Against Poverty . At the time, he said a ha ndful of "professional demonstrators" were tryin g to make trouble. His attitude now, at least for publication, is that su ch confrontations are a positive thing. "It's time," h e says, "that the poor speak up for their n eeds." · Joe P . Maldonado, executive director of th e county's antipoverty vehicle, the Economic and Youth Opportunities Agen cy, who also has been subjected to insulting personal abuse, shares this opinion in essence. Governmental Confusion Infuriated by governmental confusion a n d political machinations which seem to dull the promise of antipoverty programs, the poor s trike out at anybody w ho represents the "powe r structure." Their more vocal m embers appear dete rmined to take over and make changes th emselves. Speaki ng of certain manifestations of the so-called revolt of the poor, J ames E. Ludlam, president of the Welfare Planni ng Council, a trad itional agency, told anti poverty board m embers that a vocal minority "grounded in militancy a nd confl ict" was trying to capture control of antipoverty programs. He said t h ese militan t elements are given to threats of violence, disru ption of meetin gs and " infiltration a nd subversion of staff decisions." Bu t the Rev. Wi lliam Hervey, director of the Department of Metropolitan Mi ssion for the Los Angeles Presbytery, responds th a t militancy is n ecessary in the fight aga inst "man 's mos t dehuma nizin g enemy-poverty." Old weapons cannot be used to fight a n ew war, argues Mr. Hervey, referring to the traditional welfare agencies. He agrees that many of those castigated by Ludlam are "grounded in militancy and involved in conflict ," but h e could not agree that their actions were totally n egat ive. One of the intriguing prospects in all this is that some of today's revolutionists, like others of history, w ill become part of the " power structure" themselves once they gain control. Then, presumably, they will regard t h emselves as " responsible" a nd will find themselves facing the fury of n ew revolutionaries. One man w ho believes the often-irresponsible accusations by the poor a re a n ecessary part of progress is Dr. J. A lfred Cannon , a UCL A neuropsychiatrist who works w ith a group ca lled P eople in Community Action. Dr. Cannon, a Negro, says, "Anytime you h ave a group of people who are relative strangers, on e way they have of testing each other might be through initial demands or angry confrontations. It's a way of finding out how genuine the other person is. "Often this kind of confrontation . . . paves th e way for more constructive, gentle exchanges. "Shouting at a public official ... is a demonstration that the poor a n d minorities have the strength and power to be able to challenge th e 'big chief.' This is very important, because they can see their effectiveness in some kind of action. It leads to a sense of worthwhileness and adequacy ... and a potency which the poor generally don't h ave." 'Feeling of Participation' This is the beginning, says Dr. Cannon, "of the poor man's _feeling of participation in his own destiny, a very importa nt strut in his h ealth." Bitterness over the fa ilure of the war on poverty to deliver immediate results, a nd disillusionment over the administration of welfare programs have ti:iggered a statewide-even a nationwide-effort by th e poor to organize. With the backing of the Univers ity of California Extension , the Sears Foundation, and two privately organized advisory agencies-the California Foundation for Economic Opportunity a nd the California Center for Community Development-a first California Convention of the Poor was held in Oakland in F ebruary. This led to the June con vention in Fonta na, attended by representati ves of slum tenant councils, welfa re recipien t groups and community action movements around the state. Out of t he Fontana con vention , Dr. Jacobus tenBroeck, a UC pol itical science professor and former chairma n of the State Social Welfa re Board, emerged w ith the task of g iving some organi zational sophistica tion to the more tha n 20 W elfare Rights Organizations w hich a re loosely joined in thi s movement. A convention is planned this fall to develop a legislati ve program, clearly aimed at mounting a lobby for cha nges in welfare and other laws affectin g the poor. Welfare Recipients Rema rkably, in view of widespread conviction among the gene ra l pu blic that most w elfare recipients wou ldn't work if th ey cou ld, some of the loudes t protests in recent W elfare R ights Organiza tion de monstrations were that the present system " makes it imposs ible for us to work our way off we lfare." " If you don't h ave poor people in on the soluti ons," says Dr. TenBroeck, "you misgauge w ha t the problems a nd their attitudes are. "They flai l, they shout, they a re quite unreason a b le," con cedes Dr. Ten Broeck. "Thi s is therapy a nd steam-valving. Unless you prov ide some way to let off their futility, we're s itting on a lid we ought not to s it on- as y ou see in W a tts. "It's not a matter of wh ether we enjoy it-bu t w h e the r we're going to make it possible for those wh o a re deprived t o cease to be dep r ived. "They want the rest of us to slide into the back ground as t hey get on their feet a nd get organ ized . And t hat's th e way it sh ould be." �June 19, 196 8 Mr . Frank Ro ug hton In titute of Communi cativ of the Methodist Chur c h 1279 Oxford Road, N . E . Atlanta, Georgia 30366 Arts Dear Mr . Roughton : I have received from Mayor Ivan Allen your letter addressed to him of June 17th reg rding your suggestion for a ymphonic drama on the truggle of the Ne gnn in America, with con tructio n for . ame of an amphitheatre, a a memorial to Dr. Martin Luther King , Jr. Thi ha been brought to my atte ntion in my capacity a chairman of our Aldermanic King Memori 1 Committee . At the out et, I would like to xpress ppreciation foi- your intere t in tbi matt r and to tell you th t I feel your ide ia mo t appropri te a.nd would be xtrem ly me nlngful. Actually, one of Mra . King'• auggeationa for incorpor tion ln th memorial w ar planning was long thi line. Ae you have probably le rned f:rom the v rioue new m dia, our committe - and •ub equ ntly th Board of Aldermen - h t k n a po ltion supporting living, productive m morial as in contr at to •omething like statue or a str et naming: and we have call d On the federal government to a• tat in the dev lopment of nation 1 memorial with ver 1 working facilitie in th rea of Dr. King's birthpl ce and mother church round Auburn Avenu -.nd Boul va.rd. We al o h ve n ordlnanc befor our Zoning Committ e ref rred to it by the Board of Alderm n at ita meeting Monday which would c 11 for design tion of thi are • an 11 hietoric district" , which is our fir t at p in order to pre• rve the ch r cter of some of the n ighborhood nd to protect it from other d velopmentt until we ar in a poeltion to make aetu 1 acqwaition. It i8 my opinion that in the near futur we will probably work �.Mr . Frank Roughton June 19, 1968 -2- toward the e tablishment of a prestige national bo rd o{ trustees, a suggested by Mrs . King, which bo rd would probably have the responsibility o( d eciding on pecific facilities to be incorporated in the development . At the next meeting of our committee I will bring your communication to their attention and will k ep you advised a to our progress . Sincerely, ~~ Sam Ma svell, SMJr:nd cc: Mr . Martin Luther King, Jr . The Hon . Ivan Allen, Jr . (Attn: Mr . Dan Sweat) -Ji} �e ~ ,: - . . . r . • ~t --- PREF A·C E . . i·; , ~ ,. . . • - _1 ' .. .. ,I .:., · ' ,I; tt;} i ~.r:·:. t. , . i ·. ~1 .... In attemptin17 to anal v~e wl1ere the movement· is go:i ng, cer tain - i {f ' c.23 :. questions have arisen as to the P,, t,,re roles nlaved by white . :,. I • i .. . personnel. In or.d·e r to make th1 s iss11e clearer, we have wr j tten ) · :fi ·I t ·> .' ;-\• .: ._, i a .few paragraphs, atemminC? from our observ~ions and experiences , lfL,_< .•if ->} . -i o1 ,4.. • i,'.:, I • • •• • • ·: : l-t;,:r.:. : Some of the reasons are as follows: -~ ;·:!L-· ·.- :\ The imi~j lj ty 'i tt-. ) :-::i·:(:--:·.:· '" ~ ~ . .. ~· .,r- ·- .J :wf~ :.- ~ ; ~-- . <} J'L · · ·· ~ The answers to. these · q1.1estions lead us to believe that the form of white participation, as practiced in the past, is now obsolete. j ;.;.·:. ::: )i[: ' '., .., which trerve as a pr·e view to a broader st11dy on the subject. .\ or ._ whites to relate ' to the cultural aspe ct s of I ..: Black soc 1 etv; att! t11aee that whi tea, conscionsl-v ·or unconscious- · ·' . "i · · · ~1·;·1·.· ·__., ... ·.: ~ . #', j·.' ly, brin~ to Blacl-r. com·"luni ties abont themselve s · (wes te rn s uperior- .~ I. . . _;'?: ,.· ·'._.,".. :/' -. ·. i ty) and about Black neon le (paternalism); i n a bili tv t o s ha t ter -~ ft(~~:-:~·\{:-.:~~ '. ·: 'r;:1-.': ·, · (; ·, <} --:. ·.· ·. ~: whi ta-sponsored comm11ni t v m~rths of Black - j_nferj or i tv a nd self, \ . ne.liation; ina., i li ty to combat the v i ews ·of t he Bl ack .commnni ty ... .. >:i .. ::a:u:::::;o::::::::;:i::i:::::: c:o:::o:h:::c:o:::::i::::rds' ~- , 1! • t : :: \ · t~J:i. :_ '. _: . -.. • .• - t, ; \.- ~ /• '.:; ··{ ' ,j l • I ·., I . .. ,·r .. • r u ..... t hrelationships" ( s ex ); the unwillin~n~ss of whit~s to deal with _ . :- i i • the ho s t i l i ty of the _Black, community on the i ssll e of interra cial the roots of racism which lie within the white community; whites, though individua~ ••11benal", are symbols of o~pression _to the · •' ·f 1 . . :r ~·1 I Black community -- due to the collective power that whi~es 'have I r I ., . .• . , over Black lives.· .. Because of' these rea11J,.,ns, which f'o:rce us to view America thr~ugh ..' ~ ~~ ! ~: ,. ' ,' ~ 'I i .. the eyes · or victims, we advocate a conscio,1e chanr,-e .in the role of t ) ·,.:·.:~;'-' .,:· .whites, . ,.,h~ch . . ir , .- . . ,.- .r.;:r ·': /: _.: ·, will be in t •me with the develoning self~ c on s ci ous . . . . - ' .. ness . and :_self-ass~~\ion :o:.. ·_~h~ -~froi..arn.~rican people. ' �~ ~ ~J -- - ------------------... =~ ---,.,., . -- ---·-. ... ... -·- -·-- - - -ffl•'l'~~J -... ! ..:!·.~-143.215.248.55 ~ - ., -~ - -... ,.- ... . ~. ,., --· . .' , .j ,· , .'t" • 1'• ( , ,; ., I:. ~ -I . ... •". ---· ~. ... ~,-.. ,,. .~ ... • ' ,... l ... ,..: ", . ·-.... ... ·.• .~- ff .. ' ·.1j·_ V,ai ' ... ,.- .• . . ! ..... ' : .. ' ...... ' • ....· ~ . ,., l"·." ... 1 .. -:. .J" In conttl,uding. we cstatG ' thet our posjtion ~oes "}. . ~ steili from &gainst white ~~opl~, but from a conscien- ha.trea." or tious effprt ~o develop the best methods of solving our national ' . problem_. I ,> "!' ·',, 'i 1· < ·) ' ., . f "r .: .i ••. -· . \ l • ,' Ii. '··· j ·-'~ ·. ~ . :· ~-.: ,.!.:~: ... ~. , • I ·,· ...~- , ,.: ":\:. ' '· ·.: - i r. ., . '. I .. ,. , 1~· i t. 4 ·1 .· . -:.·· . . . . . ... ·, .. . ! '· '. ~ ' > •· ' , . ,~· . ~ . ,. ' .. ' •,j .. , !:;·,. •\ - ~ • ! l l ,i i ,_ ·, 'I ·..{   . l .' ! i ~. . '· •\ . -,: ! ~ . ·.[ ~ ., -~ .,·1 )· ~- ,._. ·,; ' (" \ ·.· ,/ , ~- - .. . ·_.; ,: ' , •II' ·~ ..... •• I ~ I ·, ' i •:"' I- . '·-; I I 'I ._..,i . .,,.:I ,- ., •-;...· • ,.. LT • h,_.. ~ \ , '.'i -- ~ -- .~ - '.!.::::i . • ... :: . .! . . ~ '.}(F,~ . ,>. ~ . •·: ' - I •• ., '• - - - ,• • • • ~l, • _ _.. • I ~;.. , r~ ,• .,.'.!••• _,__. • , .. ·-. .I \ ' '· �~ {,&,rat:;;~:-;;.,e;.-;:., -~~ --::t··•- .....-• •j I .:_? -? .. .• :l . - - • "'"': ~ - ~!': ·: • , •": - : - " ' . - : " . ' :.. ~. -:. - ."'.' . ":" . •'.""..~ . - : - - ' . ' . • "• .":' . '."." .. ~ _ . --- -••- . '.'"' _ -:'."' ,. _ __ ; ,_ • -. p_.....,., . ~., , ·.·.- · ~- , , .. .,._._ ., .f .., . 1\ ~ _ .t,, --~ ... . _,_ ," : . : ·.. / . 1. •, •, ,• • ··- ~ .... • ... , P • "'\~ • '#; '· ' '- - .!.-=----=:-== -·= =;-=-:-:======= .= . . Ne'g ro ;i;i so·nJehow incapable of liberating ouL of the • __ ,,,.: -- A111erican experience. / In the books that children read, whites are always "good" ( good symbols . "I I · ' · .are white ), Bla~ks '. t ... r -~. .:., -- - - -_-__..; _ . I: . ... i . - . .t hi ms elf, is lazy, etc. can1e ·. ·1 ~ .,, • • •• ~=--=-=-=----------\ 'rhe u,yH, t.he.4- ~he . , t °'::--.. - -- - - -- - •• --. ~ --~ "- -.,. ,.- ~ . =_ _ _ ____._ _ I •••- . -- - • : - .: ·:- ·-- · :. _- -- : :· .. ~---:·--'. ; '"•. -:!-~ .:,~~.:; •,:-;::_-p;_-":"..,. ' ' - ~ _,_..,.......,,.....,,=--,:,::;e,;:==:=-=:~ ..-,_::,, ._,-;._._., _ _,.., __ _ - ,- •• -• • - , .. language is ref~rred to as a "dialect", and Black people in this country ' ·.·. ... '.'• are "evil" are seen as "savages" in movies , their a.re supposedly descended from savages. , •• • I Any white pe~son . . . . . who comes. into the Mov~ent has these concepts .. in his mind about Black people, if ·only subconsciously. I He cannot escape them because the whole society has geared his subconscious in I .. i" -~-~ :· : that direction. !)._·: Miss ~merica coming from Mississippi has a chance to represent I··· I '· . -... ,, ' ; .t' . \I .. < It~ • J.• · f ! . ~ ' .': • ~ 1: ·1t ,. .. ,-. {· _, . I • I ~- ·. j-_.· ' l• ~-~ all of America·, but a Black person from neiflre r Mississippi or New ' . . ' • York will ev_e r represent Arr.erica. So that white people coming int o the • I , '. : .• , • • • • • • -we>rd "black", cannot relate to the "Nitt'y Gritty", canno t r elate t o the experience that brought such a word into b e ing, cannot relate to . .! .. _1. ~ , Mov~rnen~ canno_t relate to the Black experience, cannot relat e t o t he • ,} . '·. .... .'~ . - 0 \, ;(; . ;. . I • • • chitte.rlings, hog's head cheese, pig feet, ham hocks , and ca nnot • ! . . . . . . . relate to slavery, because these things are not a part of their experience • ' rced that Blacks cannot organize t h e m s elv es. T he white psych~logy that Blacks have to be watc h e d, als o reinforces ' I t his s t ereotype , Blacks, in fact, fee l in t imidated ~y the presence of whit e s, because of their k nowledge of the p ower that whites have over ., their lives. ,One whit e pers·on can' come into a meeting of Black people . _. . ,.·. ....· . . . _·: _ ·..• _:t ..-~ (. .I ' i. ' ' ·and.. cha~ge the complexion of tha.t ...meeting, whereas one Black person .. . . . . . . . . ' . . . w9_u ld not change the complexion_of that meeting unless he was an , .. . . ·. . )' . .. . . f. ·. ,. . ' : . :_ ' ... ~ . ~ ~ j �;q ·Dilt.t;i r~ I ~,.;Jt:'!, ~ii______________________ ,,.__ _ _ _ _ _ _ ______~ ~- 4 .. .. .. , ... ' ·. ~- 1~ 4':1'··~ - 't !! .. . .. • ·- ·- - ... ,,..._ -- - ,- . - - _....-·-- .: . .. _.__j._....;......._,,..,.,.;,,=""~~-.,.~-,-,~-~-.....,_..,,.. _,..,, ___,,.,._.,..,. __ =,:; _ · . :i " • - . •t .....,... _ ..- . - .: . .... ·, . I • '. r • r• - ~ :-,:,.._T__,,~:_r. r ~ obvious Uncle Tom. 't ·-,,-~, . - . .- • - • • ' ,. 4 • •, ' ~ r ., . . • =--·.:.;...c.;.• • =-~·~~ - -·- . ------ ---------.-----========-======= .People would immediately start talking about "brotherhood", "love".; etc.; race would not be discussed. l If people must express themselves freely, there has to be a climate I . I I , l:; .' . . : ' · are not liable to vent the rage that they feel about whites in the presence .. ' . •. · : ·. ' in which they can do this. If Blacks feel intimidated by whites, then they ,. ' ' _i... I' • '! , ••: . organize, i.e., the broad masses of Black people. . i I ~ _; of whites---especially not the Black people whom we are trying to ·: . .., be created whereby Blacks can express themselves. . . .. ~ A climate has to The reason that ~ . :~ .. . ., whites must be _e xcluded is not that one is anti-white, but because . the efforts that one is trying to achieve cannot succeed because whites r. '._have an intimidating . . . effect. Oft times the intimidating effect is in direct proportion to the amount of degradation that Black people have ·' ,' ':. { . '! • • suffered at the hands of white people. It must be offered that white people who desire change in this country .- ' .·:,. . .. ;" .. . should go. where that problem (of racism) is most manifest. That ·! i: \' p;-oblem is not in the Black community. The white people should go into whi~e communities where the whites have created power f or the •• 1• i:. express of denying Blacks hlllman dignity and self-determination. Whites who come into the Black community with ideas of change seem '··'-.~ to want to absolve the power structure of its r~sponsiblity of what it j> .tji ,: · ., t ji ; .r.- !· a., .~! I is doing, and saying that change can only come through Black unity, I· t ' I j ,, j '/ 1 /_ .,~ I I .. which is only the worst kind of paternalism. This is not to say that whites have not had an important role in the-Movement. In the case , · ' 1. of Mississippi, their role was very key in that they helped give Blacks ,, : . I the right to organize, but that rcle is now over, and it should be. 1. People now have the right to picket, the right to give out l eaflets, ,. the right to vote, the right to demonstrate, the right to print• . i,. . I . Il These things which revolv·e around the right to organize have been •I• . accomplished mainly because oftthe entrance of white ·people· into ., Mississippi• - i~ :the ·aummer of '6~. i Since these goals have now been , ... : I _, �-:..~ k.··~ ~-:.:.:_.:'.;"-~~.,.;,_,.,,_:_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _:;_;. ·.(~ ..;,,tv......<. - ·· - •• • ;., .• - . <~; ~- · ·~-· -- - •• • • •• .. . ,:_ ·- -· ·-· ·· i :r:·· . . -.,.,~-143.215.248.55-~:':- ~~ ~-. ... ·· ·· · • - · - • •• • .. • - . - ·· · - • - -· · - --- -- - · · ·· - - - - - --. ·.·•· .· . • -- • - --~ 143.215.248.55·-_- -~--~--- - ' ·"=---~ ,-~-~-~-~ .. · ·· --· . j - ·: · · ,. -.. ~ - - - -_ ~- - __ .. .._. ~ ·--.-- · accomplished, the.ir (whites) role in the Movement has now ended. ,. ' • :· What does it mean if Black people, once having the right to organize, •i are not allowed to organize themseives? It means that Black's ideas .. I ., . ' . ·, .• I ' wnites are the '~b~·ichls" behind the Movement .and Blacks cannot . IE ;, • . . .:. .· . . :. .. : .. '• i-'t .. . i: i function without whites. This only serves to perpetuate existing a tti t ude s within the existing society, i.e., Blacks a.re "du~b", "unable to . .·,· , . '. s .' Further (white participation) means in. the eyes of the Black community that I, ~ Shouldn1 t people be able t o organiz_e . themse,l ves? Blacks should be . given this right. ,.  :·~~: about inferiority are being reinforced. .• take care of business", etc. Whites are iN.na.rt", the "brains" behind everything. ~ i How do Bla cks rela te to other Blacks as su ch? ' How do we react I 'i ' I . ;, . ·to Willie Mays as against Mickey Mantle? ~ . .; I· .. . . ... ,, 1 i· What is our response to Mays hitting a home-run against Mantle performing t he same deed? Is our interest in baseball ordered by our appreciation of t he ar tis try of the game, or is it ordered by .the participation of Neg roes in · ,,. · · Baseball? One has to come to the conclusion t hat it is be caus e of ·· . ..1 .... ·i.,, - . -~ • .., _; i .... .. . Black pc3;rticipatiori in baseball. .. .,. , , ' .; : : Negroes still i de ntify with the Dodger.s . because of Jackie Robinson 1 s efforts with the Dodge r s. Negro es ~ "J ... .... would i n s tinctively champion all- Black t e.:im s if t h ey opposed all- .. white o r p r edom i nate_ly white t e a ms. The same p rinciple operates 'I for the Move ~ e 11t as it does fo r baseb all: a mystique must be created whereby Negroes can identify with the Movement. Thus an all-Black project is needed in order for the people • themselves. ,. •' ' I I I , This has to exist from the beginning. what can be called "coalition politics". ' ~ i I to h:.a·e • ' This relates to ' There is no doubt in our · minds that sane whites a;i:e just as disgusted with this system as .. ·J we are. • But it is meaningless to talk 'about coalition if the r e is no . one to align ou'rs ·e lves• ·with, because of the lack o! organi:i.a~ion i n • t · \. the white communities. there can be no ·talk -of "hookingcoupj' unless I �~ · ~ ~ ~ ~ : ;':-143.215.248.55 15:44, 29 December 2017 (EST)J.-.-,l~ ·'1' .. \' ....... r . •.. .. ' ,. ·.~ '.. ··" l - .---, ·· ' ' -"'1"1 . 1f • - ~- . ... -- -·, ,- ~ ~ ..~-~~ :.:...~- .:- -- Black people organize Blacks and white people organize whites. ·i -I .l: .:l1 :. are going in the same direction- talks about exchange of personnel, · 1. J 1'·~ coalition, and other m .eaningful alliances can be discussed. ., 'i-J . .i: ·· ·f. ! whereby we thought that our problems revolved around the right to I . ' In the beginning of the Move·m ent; ~e had fallen into a trap . ' '· ·1· eat at certain lunch counters or the right to vote, dr to organize . '· ':t. t \ ·-·'· 1•·. I•. .- If these conditions are met, then perhaps at some later date- and ii we · J: . ' r .i• ,~ ) ,· , . - - ------ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -..-.'""."'1..._- - - "' ..- - - - - - ---- --.----.-.. -....'-~~- communities. . . deeper. ... ' ; .... ct.ir.: have seen, however, that the problem is much The probietn of this country, as we had seeh it, concerned i \ . I j' ,· :·· , I . : ., ) w~ ollr ' old Blacks and old whi~es (and therefore) if decisions were left . to 't~~ young people, theh solutions would be arrived at. negates the history of Black people and whites. . j But this We have dealt I stringently with the proble ili of "Uncle Tom·", but we have not yet . 'gotten ~round to .Simon Legree. . f ?- real vil~ian? ' We ·must ask ourslves who is the ,.- . ·, .. 1 . • ~ Uncle Tom or Si~on Legree? Everybody knows Uncle T6m, but who knows Simon Legree? I 1 So \k.rhat we have now (in SNCC) is i i ~ closed so~iety. A clique. . · Black people cannot relate t,.:, SNCC, because of its unrealis tic, non racial atmosphere; denying their experiences of America as a racist society. In contrast, SCLC has a staff that at least maintains a Black facade. The front office is virtually all-Black, but nobody accuses SCLC of being 'racist". ...,~' . If we are to procee d towards t r ue liberation, we must cut ourselves off from white people ••• We must form our own institutions, credit 1,.. •• . -~. unions, co-ops, political parties,· write our ,own histories. Dne illustrating·.· example, is the SNOC "Freedom Primer". Blacks cannot relate to that book psychologi.,,ally~ because white people wrote it and, therefore it pre~ents a white viewpoint. _ · To proceed f~rther, let us make some comparisons_ be tween the .,/ l !.' �, ... . --· · ~! -~. . _ : -·-= ' ,... . ...- -~ .• ··~ ·-:,, - .. --r - - .. - . ., ·- ·- • •.. I : -~• •, .. ... -. ,..-.,,. ... -.. ,.., n,•.-: ·~,'";"r,,"W1':•~~•-~ • ..-,1~• ~ - - - -.............=-:c!!=~-- ·· ··:--..:.-:-:- ~ • ) -:..:. -, ' i " -- •• - .- ..: -,·.·· . ····- ·---. - - . - I =··-·- ·= ===== _..- :_:_- -::. :~: : - ~:..-=.. . Black Movement of the ( early) 1900 1 s and the Movement of the 1960 1 s --- the NAACP with SNCC. Whites subverted the Niagra . I -~ Movement whichr at the outset, was an all-Black Movement. i . The • I' 1·.. . t :-: -. . name of the new organization was also very revealing, in that it il;.. 4 .__ - ,1:•,..-~ : presupposed that Blacks have to be advanced to the level of whites. We are now aware that the NAACp has grown reactionary, is controlled by the power-structure itself, and stands as one of the •.main roadblocks to black freedom. .,. SNCC, by allowing the whites to remain i in the organizati~n, can have its ·efforts subverted in the same manner; I· . [ i.e., through having '·them play important roles such as community . ! I~_;~· .. .; I ' I · organizers, etc., · Indigenous leadership cannot be built with whites in O • i . .... ' · i ·..-; it ·:, .. . .J/· _:: ' ·.. the positions ·they now hold. These £acts do not mean that whites cannot help. ....;J,. . . ,i::) icipate on a voluntary basis. .i They can part- We can contract work out to them, but [ ( : ( "', . :, in no way can they participate on-a policy-making level • The cha_rge may be made that we are "racists", · but whites who ~ ' •1 . ·.', -r•. I'. ... ' . -, !. t • '.. . . our own destiny. J If persons insist on remaining because of their ..;·' ,,:r .. longevity, or because they have feelings that we are indebted to them. } -~-. ~, are sensitive to our problems will realize that we must determine • 4 ' r We, as Black people, must re-cv:aluate our history, our ideas of I ., self, the world, Africa and her contributions to mankind. We must take the credit for our contributions to this society _and to the ·, • '<' world. Credit will be given to white people where it is due, but · surely our contributions must .be given credit. I These. myths ( of inferiority and "savager~ ) must be broken by,' Black people, so . . . ' that no mistake can be. made about who is accomplishing what for whom. This is one way to ·break the myths. ' As to the charge of "Black racism", as against white supremacy: . ·; we can say .that the racial makeup of any organization does .not a:nake_ it racist, i.e., , supreme court makeup of all white judges, Black �• ... ., ~ '.; ~~·· ---·..... ... -; . ~- .. . .. : ..:: -, Et-: . - ......,..,-:- -.-..~~- . - - ;: . ·" -- .. ·. :··· · · ... ~ l _ _,;, --,.;-~ ... .,. T -~- .:.. ) .· .,i churches and Black businesses being all Black. The naming of the n_ewapaper, "Nitty-Gi-itty", which ae_rvcd to polarize the feel- ' l, . ings of race, illustrated in a very graphic manner the attitudes that whites have towards cultural aspects of our society. •, The whites were opposed to the name and Blac-ks were affirmative on the issue. ... .; The alternative was the 11 surely such a name could not speak to the needs of grass-roots Black peopl e • Black people can say to the "Nitty-Gritty": I can see mrself there. Can .say to Mays hitting a home run: I see _m yself there. ; Can say t~ the Atlanta Proj ect: . ,, ~. I see myself there f "i .. · , ~ ·: • ' .·r . . l ' i ·, • '· .I ' • • I-~ J . . ··. cl ' ....,.. A tla'xita Voi c e" ".., , • • . . •,' l . ~ ~ i it . -: .. J.~;. i ~ . ~ '. ' · i . f ·, • . .~ ., f. ' ,\ i ' ."" I .' ! 'l , ., • :· I .. . . ,, . . ... . ' ·,, ·'\ ·_ : . . , , •, ,.,·· . ·'·' F\:tc:·.·•. ::.·-. . . < .: ' ,· .- i• • t . ... ( . :f . . , • ~ ... . .. . l·,, . .. ! ': ~ I , . •"J. •. i.- .. ·.i . I·,,_ , ., . .'•I ....·· .. : . .· ,. ·. I. . / I 1 ·'I ,.! ' ' .; '! .: ,: • •\ I• I ..,,..·. /' . . . ..... . :_n ' . .~ ....'·[" ... i ' . .• •. \ I . ~ I .! ,., l • f I, •. .. ~ .., . . i: ,· I ,• ·t /I . ::; .. . 1 I I l . ~ . .··:_.; . ~ ,' • • .• ' .1. I • I ,,, \ ••·• ~ .· .. �....11 ... ... ~ •• ,:_. • .. .. - -.: -· • ··- • 1 ... .. j ·--~~,- .:·:·: ·· ........ ·-:-- --::-: . ,· . ~-.. . • - .· -:- - • - . - -~ --~ • • • • - - --- - • t' ' ~ . • •. .;. • - .·,-,. - .. .... ' , . --; ,_- -:· . .. '.~ · - - - ~ --;. - . ~h_............. ~------"=·-~,...._..,,--:===-e-'..;,,.·,;.,-·~ - -~·,-======~-:-."'·--lki= =.'·r---e---·:.!..!:L- ~~-:::.---·.:=·=-~:~-~  :::: ' =====:::==:::========-=========l One point I would lik~ to f:'r.'it,:1.::.;:.l s is the failure on the .. part o-.f conscious whites ancl Rlae, 1;;., :~n cleRling with the j ... J ' 'J American reality in terms of differences. J 'i _1 ·•' ; .~ ~ to emphasize t~e analysis of the differences bet~een Black and .. . 1 / : 1 .. , ' •: ., < We are beginning white people. There has been an escap~st attitude on the pa~t of SNCC .j T , ,· ; of )143.215.248.55ing at the problem as if race did not matter. --~~,.. -:,..,~ This negates the special history of Black people in this country, 1·. . ·. .':.. .-_mainly the slavery period and the inhumRn forms of segregat- · · ion we have been forced to su~fer. ~nether important point is that most Blacks and whites tend to view ~lacks in the light of _the my-th e that the power s true ture has ore a ted and perpetrated in this country. Black people are considered as "citizens" along the same lines as white people in this count- ry, when in reality, Black people are a semi-colonialized people, victims ·o r a domestic colonialism. .. ,. •. .,, Our introduction· into this country occured during the same time as the partition of Africa and Asia by the European powers, so that the American ins.t i tut ion of · slav.ery was, too , _ a form of , I, I ·-1· . Western Colonialism. . ,,'1· ~~1 ;'!- ·', ' i": \ Therefore Black people in this country ., ,( .•I . l afift in the same way as ao other colonial p~i;:.ples to their environment and experience, but the myths of America labels . _· j ,j n ', them citizens which is an unreal attitude. Also, one of the main blocks in terms of Black self- / recognition antl self-identification in this c9untry has been I interference f~om the dominant white society. '. . From the 1900's to the priesent time Afro-Amer-ican writers and thinlcers have had to contend with the encroachment . of white intellectuals upon 'l:;heil" culture arid . upon ·~;heir thou 6 hts. t·ot ·o·nly cH:d the white inte11ectua1s .·encroaoh upon their thought and culture �:~: . . ! .,, . ·...... _ · .. _ . . . ··-~ r-i:- -..:· . ·- - t~; .... .,._ ~ . .;:a--_-7:"-::·: --<- . ·, . . . - ·- -: - · . - , - -· · ·· - ·. - · r.,:~""' ~ -· ;~- - -· ..,• ·- - _ b-ub· they- l>rought . -· ., - bacl_-cground . .. - .:· -· . ' . • '., If • :"· ....._.,. ' . .. . ~""'-. ·- .!:'. . .~t. - --. • • - ,,,.. .... - ·- · .--.-,..,..'.:.icc:..::"..:==.: ·..:.: ,::;~--.ll ~ · ·.. ·=: - ============::;;;;:: ==·= to it t-heir -whole American ~ of racism and paternalism so that Black culture was potrayed as something being base, second-r~te or below the culture of the United States, which was consi<'lered ."serious" ' or "real 11 • music. ' / -~~· . :- This music which is rooted in the whole experience of .our people in this country was not even named by Black ... •' ( One grap_hic example of this is modern Afro_;, American .. r ·p eople. Modern Afro-American music is named II jazz", which .,. ;- . ;i . ; .. ._ I  :f _. ; : . ' ,r 't I (r. ~ is a term that is derived from white · American society. It is w~{te ~iang to~ sexual intercourse; so that otir musid ~hich ,, j mo.y- be called the maii1stram of our culture ·was l<'.lolced upon ~-) i' .? ! • ·I . " as being :base and second~r at a or dirty and containing aen- .1 sousness, sexuality a nd other exoticisms. II : ! l: .j .' . i.; -. •' J'. 1J :./ ,: -: . .., ~ ~~ '• j • .' ., r This however says mo~e about the white American psyche than it does about aspects of Afro - American culture. • One of the c~!ticisms of wh i t e mili t a nts and radicals is that when we ~iew the masses of white people we view the ov~rall reali ty of Americ a , we view the racis~, the b i gotry , a.nd the dis tortion of pe r s onal i t y, we view .man's inhumanity t o man; we view in reality 180 million r ac is t s. white int ol~c tual and rad i c al The sepsit i ve who is figh t ing to bring · about change is c onscious . of t his f act, but does no t have ,_:i ... _; t he courage to admit this. Whe n. he admi ts this reality, t he n he must also admit his invol veme nt bec aµse -he is a par.t / of the colle c t1ve white Amer ic a. ,, I t is onl,Y t o t he extent that he recognizes this that he will be able to change this _reality. Another concern is how does· the white radical view the Black Community and .how does he view the_ poor white community in terms of' organizing. So far, we have found that most white r-ad-lcals have sought · to escape· the horrible reality of' America by going ===~1 �-··~t~~,: 1Wf: :r:.:.•~~i,•,l~,,.f~ - - -----------------------------"""""'.'~: ~; 1:j .· .:. ;_ ·- ; . . ·-->--··' ' .-r.::-~ ~ ~ =====-=====-=====1 '::• I~ .;4 ,- ~--. · · 0!, - . .. . . _ , _ _ ., ... - ·. ... ,.,.. :: ' ., 7'?:>'·- . . -- ~ : ~-... _ ; . ~:-. , -l . • - ,, . .. .. .- - :-- .. . . ..• .. . ···· ····- - .• . , ,- ·-- 7 - · , , . ·-: - - - - .. ·- - _ _ ____ .. ., ~ ._ ·- - · - - ~ " " ' ~ , • . , , - - --- \· ,.. .· ·. ·--- ·.--- ·-·· · •"'.°'. -·~. . " . , . -~-l. f.., . . . ·· ··-·· ·· · · ' • . - ·into the Black Com~unity and attempting to organize Black .people while neglecting the o~g~nlzation of their pwn ..' • . •: . ' , people's racist communities. '. ·r . , •·· • - :-- r 1 Eaving to move aside and letting this natural process of growth and development ta~:Cing ~ '. place must l:>e faced. These views should not be equated with outside influence or outside agitation hut should be -view~d · as the natural process of growth and . development within a ·movement; so that the move by the Black militants iri iSNCC in this direction should be viewed as a turn towards s elf-dete rmina t i on. I t i s very ironic and curiouE how ~·ar e whi t e s in this c ount_ry c an champion anti - coloni ali sm in othe r countries in _. Af rica, As i a , a nd Lat in Ame r i c a , but when Black people move • t J V r .i' ., ·, f :I f towards simila r goals of s elf- det e_rmina tion ;1n thi~ country ,, they are viewed· as· racists a nd anti-white by these same pro1 gressive whites. In proceeding further, · i~ can be said that this attitude - de~ives from-the overall point of view of the white .psyche · as 'it ; concerna the black people~ · This attitude ·· ·stems · 'troni- the EH'~ of the slave ·revolts· ·when every- white ·: man y • ' I , 1•, \ •' ' • ~ \ ,: •., / ' / t , -., ~ • t~ ,. I . ·, , ~ . . ~ ', '. • i , •:',I ' I • �·. ... ..._. ,_ .. . l~..gi.}_'"'.""-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _l.) ·,~--~ ~~ i .-:.m£\1~~. . ! 't-,j•, . ~ .. ~ . •. • ' - ~ i:; ., ,;! •. ~ .... ··- -:. - - .,:: . · ·, -~ , .. . , ... - ..... .. : - :;: J .. ~ • • t . ' ': •' I-~·' • • i- ~ !: ·-.-~ • . . - - ~: -- .·;·, .. ___ ._.,....._-- ·ir_•• '!""t,. •, ..: - ~~..,..,..~ - ..~·""'==-""'-~-.',-, ...,..., . _,.,.,.___,.....,,,,,=·.,,,;·====·= - ~.........::--~-:...t_....· ~ . ·. ·,,·, 1. . · .- -...... ·;- -.. -~.... ~ _•,:_...:.:., ....._~~·- ..-:. .. ,...,,..,_ ~ ========== ============-! = · = ) -~ was a potential deputy o~ sheriff or guArdian of the State ~ ..-.. .. ·, t . .. ': ; .:. . . ~ i . .. Because wh~n Black people ~ot toget her among themselves to work • out the~r problems, it be6ame a threat to white pe~ple, becau~e . such meetings were _potentiat slave revolts~ . 'l .. .l .: ·,.·· -: ..' • • l • ,, i -,:.: ' ·-· :.', · . .!F ~. -~ I 1.1 ~ . 1 • . ~ •• " ~~ ed that this attitude or way 'of thinkirtg has 'perpetuated itself· to this current pe~iod and that it is part of the psyche of . ~- . white people in this country whatever their political per- I -~ . It uan be maintain- . . . . ' :, suasion might be. ~ .. It is part 6~ the white fear-gui~t com- -~. . plex -.1·esult-ing from the slave revolts. There have be'en -: { . i . .. . examples of whiteR who stated that they can oeal with black 1 ,· ,· ,! . - . J j l I I, , . . ~ I fellows on an individual b~sis but become threatened· or . '. • ,: • , < , . men·a oed by the presence of groups of Blacks.. . 1. ' , , . i}' . . I t can be main- te.1.ned that this attitude is held by the majority of progress- I ive ~bites in this country. It is a very grave error to mis t ake Blac!t se1.f'-asse r t :ic::o. £or racism or Black supremacy. Black people in th i s count r y .· more so than th~ colonial people~ .of the world know wha~ it ,J, means to be ~ictims of racism, bigotry, and s lave ry. ..•: Real- '· i zing our predictame nt f rom these inhuman a tt itud es i t would be r idiculous for us to turn around and perpet~ate the same reacti onary outlook on other people. We mor e than anyone else realize the i mportanc e of achie ving the type of society, . the type of world whereby people can be viewed as human be·ings. The means of reaching these goals must be, h9wever, from the .! point of view of respecting the differences~etween peoples a I and cultures and not pretending that everyone· is the s ame and the refusal to respect differences is one of the reasons that · ·,1 .I : . ,.I t he w9rld is exploding today~ Also expa nding upon t he ni ffer- .. �:._: rt . · · I r-;-- ._. i • ~~ .; ..~?.!'-:~·t·~-~-·"-'· ·-·. '·,:!"!.- ... i' l ;;_'{, '.,~f :-:":--:"··,,;:~· "I . .:..,.) - • .. . r;;;,,e- - ••• - ' ., ·· i~_,,, .....,, . ·· -~.;:i •. ·- ' ' - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -. --.--. ___.... ___ - --~ - -~ -~---~ --~ .-~... ' ,.-~ - . ... .... ··- :_ .•- . .... .. .. • ...... . ' .; . " ; . ~...... ........ .... . . - . . •• • _ .. ~;2;,,.:.. ::;- ...U - ·- · · ' - ·- ·t . . perpetuating the myth of white ·supremacy. "' . "i;," .. ~ -......-·' '-:=":'=~~ .,.; .. ~,··.~ .. . · -.::::·~~...~ ': ;.. r.::::, ~· .;.. .. "intcgt-atic,n 1!._.0d .pr-ogress then one is really •. ..-- - ·-if one·· 'i~~\u,~- ~ b, - - ·- - One is s:3-ying that Blacks have nothing to contribute, and should be willing . . ! to assimilate into the mainstream of Great white civilization, ., I j . . ~ . \ · f .;1 ·. ·-· ., '• I 1 ' ~ ·, ! ii••! I ., !•. I ·' A through re•examination must be made by hladk people concerning the ' contributions that we have made in shaping If this re•examination and re-evalttation is not this .country. { i•l i.e. the west. made, and Black people are not given their proper due and -;.. r i . respect, then the antagbnisms and contradictions a~e going to become more and more glaring, more and more intense until a ·:: national explosion may resu~t. ~ '..; ·1r . .,l When people attempt to move from these conclusions it ' l .,:·!. ·t f . , would be faulty reasoning to say they are · ordered by racism, ';: i: l r, C .· .•.: • • ·.·..: \'· : .. l: ··~ . j !. \j; ~·?: I ,. i ·. ( , 1 . ' , I i • •. ~ ' We all know the ha.voe that this has created through - The r~ fore any re-evaluation that we must make will, for . ; i people. this country. L ' · ·. ioned as a type of white nationalism whe n dealing with Black out the world and particularly among non-white people i n ! . ,' because, in this country and in the west, Racism has· funct • . .. ·I the mos t part, deal with identifica tion. Who a r e Black people; wha t are Black pe ople; what is their relationship ., r - •. r . to America and the World? ·.1 ' i ·. , It must be repe a t ed that t he whole myth . of "Negro CitizenI ship"~ perpetuated by the Hhite Power Elite, ,has confused the j ' ·t ' , • • t .. ... l l I 1 1 thinking of radical and progressive blacks and whites in this country. The broad masses of Black people react to American Society in the same manner as colonial peoples react to t he . v west in Africa, and Latin American, and have the same r elationship - ·that or . the oolonized towards.· the colonizer. ·, - -·- . ... . -~- .. ...:.. ,: . .. .. . ; . .- .- �rr:,. •t,!lli$,Z -~ t y;f.af " •.,.:·i~~4,_______________________________~o::- ••.. ,•• ~.- - :" ':' ·:,; ·,::1 ": . - .. . . ~ ... ·-· -·· ····-.... . ... i .,. , ? i ·! ,.. , ,• .. . -.. - - - - - · t:""" ·..-;: ... --")J·."'P"r'-• -. .'....,;=~----...;,....-, '.. :.· _.··.·.··.·.::. .~,.,,;.,,,,,,,..,,i= -:: -·· ·___·':,,>:-;. . ·_'-.- -·.·,. . ~ ,!!!:!C - ' l ·· _ - • . .. . .. ...... . . , - - .,.-. - ... , - _:.,... : · ±"== . -::=-c~~=·::--, • .,;-.-,: _ . •,.---:;'.:.~ .~ in . .....~ . , ,1. ,, ·· : --: - · -: . " i: -· .,. . · ·~=--:===~=----··- =-===========:::::: '.-:.!;,! ,:'...:::..:;:_·.;: ;.:, ,- . ,_._ _ - - - ---- - - •- · - an attempt tb resolve an internal crises that it' now .c onf~ ·~tin~ SNCC, the B1A.ck-nhi ta issue ( which is .· ; •~ i ~ t caui;inc: eruptions that e.rr: S'3riously hamp0rinr our strur;p:le ' · . for self- dotorm.ination) MUst now be dealt with. In an analysis of our history in . this country, we have ·..,. been forced to come to the conclusion that 400 years of .. · oppression and slavery suffered in this country by our Black forebears parallels in a very r,raphic way tho opprossion and colonization suffered by the African people. 'lhe questions can be rightfully asked, v,hat part did tho white colonizers ! ·. '- 4' ·j· . . play .in the liberation· of independent .'\.frican Nations; who . ' I • were the . ar;i-tators for .'\.frican independence? . /mswers . · to those . , .. · questions c.o mpel us to believe that our strurGle for .liberat- i• . • . ·j . 1' . ,. . ion ~nd self- determknation cen o~lr be c~rried out effect- .. ively by Black people. ' ' 'Ibo necessity o} dealinr, with the question of identity • 1 'I : is of prime importance in our own strn ~r:le. •J destruction of our links to Afric'a, the cultu ral cut-off of I The . systematic ' . ·~;• J Blacks in this country from Blacks in Africa are not situat-.. ·! . ions that conscious Black people in this country are willing to accept. , Nor are conscious Black people in this country ,. •, ·, 1 !· ,. I wil~inG to accept an ~ducational system· that teaches all ~ _, ~ · aspec ts of western civilization and dismisses our Afro- ! \·. I i ~ . • ' ,. ·.. ·e • ' ./ I ' American contribution with one week of inadequate information. (Necro History Week) and deals with _nfrica not at all. Black I people are net willini to align themselves with a western culture ·that daily emasculates our beauty, our pride and our _ ' .i I manhood.. It follows that white people boin~ part of western i ! .· civicization in a way .that Black people ~ould never be are I • 1 ·: .~· ! totally indequate ,to . deal with Black identity which is' key '! .v ~ ·:=· I. ·!. ~ • ' ,, . ... :_ ~.-:::·T . .-'. ~- ~ ~ ~~ .· I . l" l : ~ .. �~........J.::~.-t: ..-:.:. .'j ,~ ,.,, i,~~.-~._1,;ii!-i, _ _;.,__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ •_ _ _ _ __, , . . . . , _ ~ ~ - -- - - - - - -.......~-~ 143.215.248.55- .. .. ·-.. -~.-:-: ~ . i..' . :,.· - . .. .... j • · .. ... . J . ·~ ~ \ .r · - - · ~· - . ,. · ~ -.i-::-:,,_._. __ _.z" · - ·: -. ; · : - - - _· ,·,_r,_ __, ··· ..., .. . . .. - - -· - -~ - ~ ! . ., ": - · ·• . :.::~ ~ "; ~ ---r--·--· ...... "===-==============-== - -.'.-= .. '--'-'" - ' =- :_,.-!;-_-: .:.... to our strur~le for s~lf-deternination. ' . ~ · ··-- ·-· . \'lhen it _c omes to the question of or:-anizing Black people., · 1 · 'L .., . J, _; i ,; / . ... ·; we nrust insist that the people wl10 come in cpntact with the . 11lack masses .,re not white people who, no matter what their - . .. • '.. . . liberal leaninr.;s ere, are not equipped to dispel the myths of western superiority,. ·. ~ ~-.. ' i .. I · . !; . .. .; . I . • j .:: ~ ..: ·. V/hite people only serve to perpetuate ~ .· '. these myths; rather, orranizing must he done by Black people •I\ ~- : . . ·_are able to see the beauty of themselves, are able to see the . · :. important cultural contributions of 11.fro-.~ mericans, are able ' I' , • . to s~e that this country was built upon the blood and backs of a ~ ., ,, ' '•- ; . our Black anc'.ls tors. "-· -~ L. .. .~. ~ .. -'· ·: that our or":aniza tion · ( SNCC) should he BlacJ staffed, Black ·r : . ..:·: ;i· controlled l< e/ , ·-;:), ,. · :· j :;( ,· ·. f ' . ·, .: :f :·._·.. :. ! '•' ,...,. . . "i • - . -:, ;1 ' :.~ • 's ._JI: . In an attempt to find a .solution to ou~~ilema, we propose . --~ . •• ' • .: ' · end Biack financed. We do not want to fall into a similar dilema that other Civil Ri.ri:h ts or .r:,aniza tions. have fallen .. . · If we continue ta r3ly·upon ~hi to financinl support we will · find ourselves wntviined in the tentacles of the \~1hite power complex that controls this country. It . is also important that a Black or~a~ization '( devoid of cultis~ · ) be projected to our I: _1 ,,  !f people so that it cen be demonstrated that srich orranizations .' J are viable. More and more we see Black people in this country being used as a. tool of the white liberal establishment. ii .. I.; I Liberal whit es have not bep.:un to address themselves to the real problems I '.· of Bleck people .in this co .. ntry; witness th eir bewilderment, 1 fear and anxiety Wh'3n Nationalism_ is mentioned concerning Black people. An analysis of th~ir (white liberal) reaction to the · word alone (Nationalism) re~eals a very meanin~ful attitude of whites or any ideolorical persuasion towards ~lacks in this ~- ,. .: ,· ..~ ' t' : ..:· .- ::; .:. ' country •. . · i _t me~ns, t _h at previous so11.• tions to ;Black :problems • • •.: ., •· ·.-...!.- · ..:..:...: . ·: . ' ·f .·. __ . ..... _; .. -.;_~ .. I �.... of those whites ) not in the best interest's of .: dealin(", with t;hooo problems · : Black peopla in this · country hnve beon made in the interests of ·: . .. . ;;' . ,:: ·.;' : '._ those whites dealinr; with those problems and not in the. best · inter~stof Black people in this coPntry. i . ., .. -~ '"/hi tes can only sub- .. .:. vert our true search and strur:rle for self-determination, self- f :. :. l i : ', ·: · r .:· identification, and liberation in this country. R0_-evaluation of the white and Black roles nrust NOW take place so that whites ' no longer designate roles that Black people play but rather BlAck people define white people's roles. . ·•·' To ionr, have we allowed white people to interprr.tt the importance and meaniri~ of the cultural aspects of_ .our society, . ' ' I . 1 ·: '., . : :'. . . I have allowed. them to tell us what was p:obd a'bou t our .\ fro- · -: · ~·ie '. ·~<.- .- ; . ' l::,·. : .,· ·. ·. · ,'.: American nrusic·, art and literature. . :i, : ... . ·:· ~-.. . ·. . ~ ' ,:~,,,! . 1. . , I ~ • .. we have on the , ·J :;,,·, ~-! I _'\ '. . . ! ..\ of the Black psyche ( except in the oppressor's role) ·. . . interpret the meaning of the Blues to ' · ·. ! .• < us who are manifestations of the son,:;s themse1V'3s? I . ', _., How can a white person who is not jazz" sc!'lne? It nrust also be pointed out that on wha.tever level of con- ,, ~. ' 1 tact that "1lacks and v1hites .come to r,ethor, that meetinG .or•r--,n- > I,!. . I ,I li ·:;:_:. ·..  :,•• ' I :-' L ,. i. .~ I '.: ! :. .1l . l ~ . I '\ whites is a reinforcoment of the myth of vrhite supremacy • .Vlhite~ nre · th,:i ones who must try to raise themselves to oµr humanistic I , ne are not, after all, the ones wh9 are responsible . for a ~enoci da l war in Vietnam; we are not the ones who are ' l I; ' ,. I responsible for Neo-Colonialism in Africa and Latin ~merica; 'it• '• This only means that our everyday contac t with / ., '. level of whites. level. ·i ' frontation in not on the level of the Blacks but always on the ,., t ;. I .' • .• . we are not the ones who held a people in animalistic bonda~e . . · over 400 years • . ,_, we raj ect , t~~ A~eric_an Dz,ean as d_efined : by whi ta people • - ~ • • I J /. I a part • ,· 1··· II How many Black critics do _.,._ . '" •• ~ .-1 .' , ... "·-=-·· ,. _ •, :: • . :. _ ~J ·~:: ~ I • ·i '_ ~ .. : • �.. r.:. .·- l ••'i .....,, ' ·~ .S:_ :·~~-·-· ·:. ,. ) , - ,, ') ,. and must work to construct. , .u ~;, 111orican real1 ty· de.fined ·,. / by A.fro-A:".l'ler.j .~~l:".'.s(I • ' .') ' - ' ·• ' • •• • ,: I . . ···-- . ... ., .. ·:· , ': ·. .. ~ , · ·' i .. ·: ' •.,1. : '.: - ... j· ... .. •: .·. ': .. . '.~ ·. '•, , .' ... ,. ·- ·.,. 1• . . • 1· .· . .·. , ' ','- · ' ..; ., I. !' t .. ,, ': ·.\" •' . .:·~~ . • • \· .. f ~ \. . f. ,. ' .' , ...; f -:, .. , ./,• .- t"' ~'. {, _, ((: ·· .; .... . ' . . ;· .. ., -~- .. .~. .: t ·' .' I' ... ) '•< ' .' ..... '•, .l _. ,,, '• ·' ' ;. .'l ... _. , \. - t ... ..:.!'"·· . ·.,\, ' ,; .; . ~- :: .r ' f .i -1q l ., , •• . ,, t •' .. ~ l i: ' 1 l •i )r :• j t l ... ' I • • \. . ~ ~ ·: ' ... I.  ; ,· ;.; . .: • , ~ J ..),i . r ·'! ,r,: ,:ri .: .. [Ii: • I ~.,.•.·, ..... f· ~ , :'.: -. . , ,i I l ' . ,{'\• '! " I ' I I I, \' I I / ...... ., r- 1 ..' . .J. j{ .·, l [ ' ... ' .. . . •·' ' .- . • ,•:· . . ~ ~ i ·\ ., .·"..i-' .· .~ ~ ., . ~ :~ .~.. : -...... . i l. '-~: u ~ i l .' It �A STATEMENT OF PURPOSE AND A PLAN OF ACTION FOR ATLANTANS CONCERNED ABOUT RIOTS, THEIR CAUSES AND THEIR CONSEQUENCES We, the undersigned Atlantans, are deeply concerned about the riots which have occurred in our nation with increasing frequency and with mounting violence! We are concerned about the consequences of continued rioting and believe that the deterioration of human relations could do greater damage than the loss of mater ial things if we fail to bring an end to the riots and. the conditions which spawn them. We commend to every thoughtful citizen who believes in law and order and in human progress the recently released Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. Whether one would agree absolutely with its methodology or the conclusions of the commission, we believe the report contains food for thought and suggestions for action which merit consideration. The report is a good point of reference and basis for discussion and action. We are convinced that neither studies nor resolutions nor good intentions alone will suffice. We believe that all of the religious leaders of metropolitan Atlanta should act now to bring an end to conditions in our midst which create despair, contribute to human degradation and fuel violence. We, therefore, commit ourselves to assist in the task of transforming our urban area that, insofar as our abilities and resources permit, we shall endeavor to respond . to this urban crisis and help create a city where there is personal safety for all persons and property and where there is reason for hope and opportunity for individual growth and dignity for every citizen. To do this, there are many things which we believe must be done. There must be a pooling of all resources - a coordinated effort by rich and poor, by affluent and depressed citizens, by leaders in religion and education, in business and the professions, in industry and labor, in government, and in all walks of life to meet our citizens needs in the following areas: Police Protection Every citizen is entitled to· be secure in his person and property and to fair treatment by law enforcement officials; and, in turn, eGCh citizen has a duty to obey the law and support and cooperate with police officials. �Education Every citizen must have the opportunity for equal educational opportunity - lmowledge of one's rights and duties, education for employment, and for living - the essentials to a society of law and order and human progress. Housing Every citizen must have access to decent housing. This goal adopted long ago has not been achieved, and there is yet to be obtained a climate in which every person will have equal opportunity for housing that he can afford. Employment There must be training for new jobs and retaining for other jobs in our changing technology, and there must be an end to discrimination against qualified persons based on sex, race, age or handicap. As we see it, we must create new attitudes even more than we need to create new programs, but both are needed! To establish new attitudes we must begin with ourselves, our families, our churches and synagogues. Therefore, we commit ourselves to an effort to: 1. Carry on mutual interchanges in our churches with ministers and layman of all races discussing these critical areas of concern. 2. Preach and give courses within our own churches dealing with these areas. 3. Adopt and carry out special projects which contribute to the betterment of conditions in each of the foregoing areas, and encourage such things as positive support for day care centers, low cost housing corporations, health clinics, and training employment programs. In order to develop wide acceptance of our stated purpose and our plan of action, we respectfully urge Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr. to issue invitations to Atlanta's political, economic and religious leaders, and to citizens representative of all areas of our urban community to attend a meeting sponsored by the undersigned with the Mayor serving as host. The purpose of the meeting will be to achieve in the Atlanta u rbru1 - - - - -- - - - - �area an agreement on our stated purpose, and to arrange for a coordinated use of all possible resources. We seek a true and new commitment and to develop a simple connectional structure to carry out this commitment. We, by signing this resolution, do declare ourselves to be an inter-faith . committee, and authorize our designated representatives to visit the Mayor of the City of Atlanta and other local leaders of this area for the following purposes: 1. To offer the full support of ourselves as representatives of the religious community of the urban area for coordinated effort in meeting the needs of every individual. 2. To fund a luncheon for leaders and representatives of both races at which time we could hear from Mayor Allen his suggestions as to how all availab}e resources might be coordinated to achieve our objectives. 3. To support a call for broader ministerial and lay leadership in subsequent meetings and projects. 4 . And to offer ourselves for service on any Council or Committee dealing with these critical areas. Finally, we invite all citizens to join with us in a commitment to our statement of purpo se and our plan of action, and we ask the help of Almighty God in this endeavor to transform and redeem our entire urban area. Signed on This Day, Tuesday 2nd of April , 1968 ' �LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE ON CIVIL RIGHTS ))--8 J ROY WILKINS, Chairman ARNOLD ARONSON, Secretary JOSEPH L. RAUH, JR., Counsel CLARENCE M. MITCHELL, Legislative Chairman MARVIN CAPLAN , Di rector Wash i ngtoh Office ' 2027 Mass. Ave., N.W., Washington, D. C. 20036 phone 667-1780 J. FRANCIS POHLHAUS, Special Consultant YVONNE PRICE, Executive Assistant • New York address: 20 West 40th St., 'New York 10018, phone BRyant 9·1400 November 3, 1967 Hon. I van Allen, Jr. Mayor of Atlanta City Hall Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mayor Allen: I think the most recent MEMO of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights may be of inte rest to you, so I enc lose a copy. As you may know, the Conference is a coalition of 112 national organizations. Since these include many of the civil rights, religious , labor, and fraternal organizations that participate in the Urban Coalition, it occurred to me that you might like to be kept informed of the activities our gr oups enga g e in, and of the kind of l egislat iv e issues they support in advancing our goal of full "civil rights for all Americans through government action a t the national l e vel. 11 Accordingly, we are adding your name to our mailing list. Sinc erely your s . Arnold Aronson, Secr etary Enclosures "Cooperation in t he Common Cause of Civi l Rights for All " �PARTICIPATING ORGANIZATIONS AFR ICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH NATIONAL BEAUTY CULTURISTS' LEAGUE, INC. AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL ZION CHURCH NATIONAL CATHOLIC CONFERENCE FOR INTERRACIAL JUSTICE ALPHA KAPPA ALPHA SORORITY, INC. NATIONAL CATHOLIC SOCIAL ACTION CONFERENCE NAT IONAL COMMUNITY RELATIONS ADVISORY COUNCIL ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC. NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CATHOLIC MEN AMALGAMATED CLOTHING WORKERS OF AMERICA NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CATHOLIC WOMEN AMALGAMATED MEAT CUTTERS & BUTCHER WORKMEN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES RELIGION & RACE AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION AMERICAN ETHICAL UNION COMMISSION ON NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR ORGANIZATIONS CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL NATIONAL COUNCIL OF NEGRO WOMEN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PUERTO RICAN VOLUNTEERS, INC. AMERICAN FEDERATION OF STATE COUNTY & MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES NATIONAL COUNCIL OF SENIOR CITIZENS, INC. AMERICAN FE_DERATION OF TeACHERS NATIONAL DENTAL ASSOCIATION AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE NATIONAL FARMERS UNION AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS NATIONAL FEDERATION OF CATHOLIC COLLEGE STUDENTS AMERICAN NEWSPAPER GUILD NATIONAL FEDERATION OF SETTLEMENTS & NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS AMERICAN VETERANS COMMITTEE NATIONAL FEDERATION OF TEMPLE SISTERHOODS AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION NATIONAL JEWl'SH WELFARE BOARD-\ ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE OF B'NAI B'RITH NATIONAL MEDICAL ASSOCIA'TION A. PHILIP RANDOLPH INSTITUTE NATIONAL NEWMAN STUDENT FEDERATION ' BISHOP'S COMMITTEE FOR THE SPANISH SPEAKING NATIONAL NEWSPAPER- PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION B'NAI B'RITH WOMEN NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR MEXICAN-AMERICAN SERVICES BROTHERHOOD OF SLEEPING CAR PORTERS NATIONAL ORGANl2'ATION FOR WOMEN CHRISTIAN METH_DDIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH NATIONAL SHARECROPPERS FUND .' CHURCH OF THE ,BRETHREN - BRETHREN SERVICE COMMiSSION ,.. ..... ' ... CHURCH WOMEN UNITED NATIONAL UREi°AN LEAGUE CITIZENS LOBBY FOR FREEDOM & FAIR PLAY OMEGA PSI PHI FR'.°'TERNITY, INC. PHI BETA slGMA FRATifRNITY, tN'c. DEL•TA SIGMA THETA EPISCOPAL CHU .~ CH - - •\ " ~ SORORITY • NEGRO AMERICAN LABOR COUNCIL COLLEGE YCS NATIONAL STAFF ot • t ~ CONGRESS-OF RACIAL EQUALITY L ~ PHI DEL TA KAPPA SORORl1"Y -: , 1 DIV{SIOJ'i OF CHRISTIAN CITiZENSHIP P_IONEER WOMEN , AMERICAN AFFAIRS l:'RESBYTERIAN INTERRACIAL COUNCIL EPISCOPAL_SOCIETY FOR CULTURAL AND RACIAL UWJ:.Y RETAIL WHOLESALE & DEPARTMENT S°tORE UNION FRANCISCAN JURISDICTION OF THE THIRD O~DER, OF _ST. FRANCIS sournERf'.'I FRONTIERS INTERNATIONAL SOtJTHERN CHRISTIAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE • • BEAurl coNGR~ss. 1Nc. HADASSAH TEXTILE WORKERS UNION OF AMERICA HOTEL AND RESTAURANT EMPLOYEES AND BARTENDERS INTERNATIONAL UNION TRANSPORT WORKERS UNION OF AMERICA IMPROVED BENEVOLENT & PROTECTIVE ORDER OF ELKS OF THE WORLD INDUSTRIAL UNION DEPARTMENT-AFL-CIO UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST ASSOCIATION & RACE INTERNATIONAL LADIES GARMENT WORKERS' UNION OF AMERICA UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST WOMEN'S FEDERATION INTERNATIONAL UNION OF ELECTRICAL RADIO & MACHINE WORKERS UNITED AUTOMOBILE WORKERS OF AMERICA IOTA PHI LAMBDA SORORITY, INC. UNITED CHURCH OF CHRIST- COMMITTEE FOR RACIAL JUSTICE NOW UNION OF AMERICAN HEBREW CONGREGATIONS COMMISSION ON RELIGION JAPANESE AMERICAN CITIZENS LEAGUE UNITED CHURCH OF CHRIST- COUNCIL FOR CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ACTION JEWISH LABOR COMMITTEE UNITED HEBREW TRADES JEWISH WAR VETERANS UNITED PACKINGHOUSE, FOOD & ALLIED WORKERS LABOR ZIONIST ORGANIZATION OF AMERICA UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH - COMMISSION ON RELIGION & RACE LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH - OFFICE OF CHURCH & SOCIETY LUTHERAN CHURCH IN AMERICA- BOARD OF SOCIAL MINISTRY UNITED RUBBER WORKERS MEDICAL COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS UNITED STATES NATIONAL STUDENT ASSOCIATION NATIONAL ALLIANCE OF POSTAL & FEDERAL EMPLOYEES UNITED STATES YOUTH COUNCIL NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE UNITED STEELWORKERS OF AMERICA NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLLEGE WOMEN UNITED SYNAGOGUE OF AMERICA NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLORED WOMEN'S CLUBS, INC. UNITED TRANSPORT SERVICE EMPLOYEES NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF NEGRO BUSINESS & PROFESSIONAL WOMEN 'S CLUBS , INC. UNIVERSITY CHRISTIAN MOVEMENT WOMEN ' S INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE FOR PEACE & FREEDOM NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REAL ESTATE BROKERS, INC. WORKERS DEFENSE LEAGUE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF SOCIAL WORKERS WORKMEN 'S CIRCLE NATIONAL BAPTIST CONVENTION . U . S. A. YOUNG WOMEN 'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION OF THE USA NATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION ZETA PHI BETA SORORITY �j LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE ON CIVIL RIGHTS ROY WILKINS, Chairman ARNOLD ARONSON, Secretary JOSEPH L. RAUH, JR., Counsel CLARENCE M. MITCHELL, Legislative Cha irman MARVIN CAPLAN , Director Wash i ngton Office J. FRANCIS POHLHAUS, Speci al Consultant .' ' YVONNE PRICE, Executive Assistant 2027 Mass. Ave., N.W., Washington, D. C. 20036 phone 667-1780 THE LEADERSHIP New York address: 20 West 40th St. , New York 10018, phone BRyant 9-1400 CONFERE N CE · ON WHAT I t S p e a ks F o r • IT IS AND CIVIL RIGHTS: DOES M i 11 i o .n s In the las t 17 ye ars th e on Civil Rights has becom e a L eade .rship C o n fere nce u n iq ue s pok es ma n : voice for 112 nation a l o rganiz a tio n s gether to urge ne w c i v i l when they pres s f o r t he when they jo i n t o - ri g hts laws upon Con gre s s and s tr o ng erifo:rcement of exi sti ng l a ws . Th e Co nference is a coalition of ma j or civi l rights, labor, religi ou s , w ho se s t r eng t h lies in it s civ i c and fraterna l groups unity o Wh e n the Conf e ren c e c omes ou t in support of a p e n di ng bi l l or urges a of act i on up on t h e gover n m rant ll co urse it spea ks o n beh alf of mil l ions of A mericans of all ra c e s 9 creeds, re ligions, and ethnic grou ps and from all walks of life o It s P urpose In it s statement of pur pose ll clares itself as ~'a v oluntary ll the C onf eren ce de- nonpartisan ass ociation of autonomous national organizati o ns see king to advance "Cooperat ion in the Common Cause of Civil Rights for All" �PARTICIPATING ORGAI\JIZATIONS AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH l~ l\T ONAL E c.AU TY CULTURISTS' LEAGUE, INC. AFRICAN METHODIST EP ISCOPAL ZIO N CHURCH ~,AT O~",L CA I HOLIC CONFEREN CE FOR INT ERRACIAL JUSTICE NI, T ld~;'IL Ch T1 1 J LIC SOCIAL ACTION CONFERENCE ALPHA KAPPA ALPHA SORORITY, INC. ••;:,[ ,n ALPHA PH I ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC. N AMALGAMATED CLOTHING WORKERS OF AMERICA TIO',Al C~l'· V L OF CATHOLIC WOMEN /\MALGA MATED M EAT CUTTERS & BUTCHER WORKMEN ,, AMER l.,AN CIVI L LIBERTIES UNION , ~-'1/.l ~01, •~ IL OF CH URCHES-COMMISSION ON Fi E.LI, ION e. R4CE N ,TIONAl. COuNCI L OF JEWISH WOMEN /\Ml:. RICAN ETHICAL UN ION ' AM ERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR ORGAN IZATIONS c,NITY RELATIONS ADVISORY COUNCIL 10·,;,L C ,L'l'CIL OF CATHOLIC MEN CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL i-lAflO~ ,L COLJ NCIL OF NEGRO WOMEN NA1 IONi\l..COUNCIL OF PUERTO RICAN VOLUNTEERS, INC. Al\1EfllCAN FEDERATION OF STATE COUNTY & MUNICIPAL EM PL OYEES 1 AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS N Ai .CN , L DENTAL ASSOCI ATION AMERICAN JEWIS H COMM ITTEE NA:!ONAl FA'lfo,lERS UN ION AM ERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS NATIO~ AL FEDERATION OF CATHOLIC COLLEGE STUDENTS ATlvl\ \L CC U ', CI L OF SENIOR CITIZENS, INC. A M ERICAN NEWSPAPER GUI LD NATIQ;-.; ' '- H JtRAT ION OF SETTLEMENTS & NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS AMF.R ICAN VETERAN S COMMITTEE I\AT1C'N"'L I- -DE RATION OF TEMPLE SISTERHOODS AMER ICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION NA 110'\AI .l [ V' ISH WELFARE BOARD AN1I DEFAMATION LEAGUE OF B 'NAI B'RITH N ,l1C•NAL 1i1 EUiCAL ASSOCIATION N/,11r~,AL NEWMAN STU DENT FEDERATION A . rHILIP RANDOLPH INSTITUTE NA1 If NAL Nf:.VSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION l3 1SHOP'S COMM ITTEE FOR T HE SPANISH SPEAKING NA rit, t, AL ORGANIZATION FOR MEXICAN-AMERICAN SERVICES B 'NAI B'RITH WOMEN NI\T 10N L ORGAN IZATION FOR WOMEN BROTHERHOOD OF SLEEPING CAR PORTERS II/Al ICNAL SHARECROPPERS FUND CHRI STIAN METHODIST EP ISCOPAL CHURCH ChL,RCH OF THE BRETHREN - BRETHREN SERVICE COMMI SS ION Cf•URC H WOMEN UNITED O:V.EGA I- SI PHI FRATERNITY, INC. C TIZENS LOBBY FOR FREEDOM & FAIR PLAY l'h B l:.TA SIGMA FRATERNITY, INC. COLLEGE YCS NATIONAL STAFF PH I DEL TA KAPPA SORORITY CONGRESS OF RAC IAL EQUALITY PIOla EER WOMEN, AMERICAN AFFAIRS r LL TA SIGMA THETA SOROR ITY EP ISC OPAL CHURCH - DIVISION OF CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP PRE.SBYTERIAN INTERRACIAL COUNCIL RE1A IL WHOLESALE & DEPARTMENT STORE UNION EPISCOPAL SOCIETY FOR CULTURAL AND RACIAL UNITY FRANCISCAN JURISDICTI ON OF THE THIRD ORDER OF ST. l"RANCIS SOUTHERN BEAUTY CONGRESS, INC. SOUTHERN CHRISTIAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE FRONTIERS INTERNATIONAL · TEXTILE WORKERS UNION OF AMER ICA HADASSAH TRANSPORT WORKERS UNION OF AMERICA HOTEL AND RESTAURANT EMPLOYEES AND BARTENDER S INTERNATIONAL UNION UNION OF AMERICAN HEBREW CONGREGATIONS IM PROVED BENEVOLENT & PROTECTIVE ORDER OF ELKS OF TH E YVOR LD INDUSTRIAL UNION OEPARTMENT-AFL-CIO INTERNATIONAL LADIES GARMENT WORKERS' UNION Of- AMER ICA INTERNATIONAL UNION OF ELECTRICAL RADIO & MAChlNF vv'OR K ERS UNITAR IAN UNIVERSALIST ASSOCIATION -COMMISSION ON RELIGION & RACE U NITARIAN UNIVERSALIST WOMEN'S FEDERATION U N ITED AUTOMOBILE WORKERS OF AMERICA UNITCD CHURCH OF CH HIST- COMM ITTEE FOR RACIAL JUSTICE NOW IOTA PHI LAMBDA SORORITY, INC. UN ITED CHURCH OF CHRIST-COUNCIL FOR CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ACTION JAPANESE AM ERICAN CITIZENS LEAGUE U N 1TED HEBREW TRADES JEWISH LABOR COMMITTEE U NIT ED PACKINGHOUSE, FOOD & ALLIED WORKERS JEWISH WAR VETERANS LABOR ZI ONI ST ORGANIZATION OF AMERICA L EAG UE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY LUTHERAN CHURCH IN AMERICA- BOARD OF SOCIAL M l ~; ISTRY U NI TED PRESBYfERIAN CHURCH - COMMISSION ON RELIGION & RACE UNI TED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH - OFFICE OF CHURCH & SOCIETY UNITED RUBBER WORKERS UNITED STATES NATIONAL STUDENT ASSOCIATION MEDICAL COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS NATIONAL ALLIANCE OF POSTAL & FEDERAL EMPLOYEES A TIONAL URBAN LEAGUE Nf. GRO AMERICAN LABOR COUNCIL · NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORl:.[.J PEOPLE NATI ONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLLEGE WOMEN NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLORED WOMEN'S Cl. UBS, INC NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF NEGRO BUSINESS & PROFESS IONAL WOMEN 'S CLUBS, INC. UNITED STATES YOUTH COUNCIL UNITED STEELWORKERS OF AM ERICA UNITED SYNAGOGUE OF AM ERICA UNITED TRANSPORT SERVICE EMPLOYEES UNIVERSITY CHRISTIAN MOVEMENT WOMEN' S INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE FOR PEACE & FREEDOM NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REAL ESTATE BROKERS, INC. WORKERS DEFENSE LEAGUE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF SOCIAL WORKERS WORKMEN 'S CIRCLI:. NATIONAL BAPTIST CONVENTION, U. S. A. YOUNG WOMEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION OF THE USA NATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION ZETA PHI BETA SORORITY �- 2- civil rights for a,11 Americ ans through government action at the national levelo the establishment and By civil rights we mean not only en :£orc e ment of rights in law, f but also the realization social and economic con- ditions in which alone the £ul£illment of thes ·e is possibleo rights 11 How the . Conference Beg an ( The Leadersh ip C o n£ex enc e was formed in 1950 by national organiz ations whose l e aders felt that while they often spoke and acted se parately, occasions when they coul d make a there we r e many greater impact upon official Washing t on a nd t h e genera l public if they joined together in suppoI't of spe cif i c i ss ue s o The Co n fer ence m ex ge d two existin g groups: the National Counci l fo r by A. Ph ili p R andolph, a Permanent FEPC, headed and the National Em er g enc y Civil Rights Mob ilization headed by Roy Wilk ins and Arnold Aron son . A ll three men c on tinue to play imp o r .. tant r ol es in th G Co nfezence : Mr.I_ Randolph is a and Mro M r . member of the W ilkins is Chair ma n, Ex e c utive Commi ttee , Aronson is Secretary . How the Conferenc e Grew From the first , the Conference undertook to �-3- unite its groups behind sp e cific civil rights bills .. it grew in numbers i t g r ew in influenceo The Conference has coordinated all th e na ti onal campaigns fo r civil rights billso It s series of civil ri ght s 19570 major g r eate st s ucc e sses wer e the l aw s pass ed by Congr e ss The mos t no t abl e la ws in t h i s Rights _ Act of 196 4 a nd th e s i n ce g r oup w ere t he Civil Vo ting Ri--g hts Act of 1965. But the C o n f eren c e does not wo r k laws to statute b oo ks .. As I t s org ani zati on s ju st t o ad d know la ws are worth li t tle unless th e y are adequately en f orced. It campaigns u n t ir in g ly f o r existing prog r am s a de qu a te fund s to k e ep goin g a n d for a dequ a te e n forc e m e nt. How the Co n f eren c e O perates T he C on fe ren ce functio ns thr ou gh three main Commi t te e s: for t h e the Executive Com m ittee which se t s policy o rga n i zation ; the Legislative Co mmi ttee, the C ha i rm a n ship of Cl aren ce Mitchell, s t r a teg y f o r u nder which plans pendi ng bills; and the Com mittee on C o m- pliance and E n f orcement » under James Hamilton o f the Nation a l Council of Chur c hes , which wo r ks to see that the laws are ad mini stered str o ngly and effectively. How the Conf erence Keeps Its Groups I n f o rme d The Co n ference tries to keep in constant touch �-4- with its organizationso It sends them regular MEMOs that set forth the immediate legislative situation and suggest what groups can do to help mobilize support for a bill or a of bills, course of action. pamphlets, It publishes analyses papers on what still needs to be done to achieve full equalityo Not Civil Rights Alone Over the years the Confe re nce has b ro adened its concernso It realizes that the fight for full equality and the War on Poverty are interconnected. In ad - dition to campaigning for civil rig hts bills it has also worked for passage of an adequate minimum wage law· ; for reapportioned state legislatures so that they represent more truly all the peo p l e in a educational oppo rtun ity; for adequate food di stribution to the country's poor; for h om e of Columbi a ; for state; for broad rule fo r the Dist ri ct s chool desegregation. These are only a few of its campaign s . The Confere n ce remains t od ay f i rm in its belief that progress in civil rights is the co n cern of everyAmerican, not the int erest of an y on e groupo It believes, in Roy �-5- Wilkins• words, that "we are all tied together that the fut u ·r e f o r A m er ic a mu s t b e 11 and an int e g r at e d fut u r e ; a nation in which all men and women share equally in its burdens and its benefitso Its motto is still: "Cooperation in the Common Cause of Civil Rights for All" �LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE DN CIVIL RIGHTS I ROY WILKINS , Chairman ARNOLD ARONSON, Secretary JOSEPH L. RAUH, JR ., Counsel CLARENCE M. MITCHELL, Legislative Chairman MARVIN CAPLAN, Di rector Wa shington Office . ' J. FRANCIS POHLHAUS , Special Con su ltant ' 2027 Mass. Ave., N.W., Washington, D. C. 20036 phone 667-1780 TO: Participating Organizations FROM·: Arnold Aronson, Secretary YVONNE PRICE, Executive As sistant • New York address : 20 West 40th St ., New York 10018, phon e BRyant 9-1400 MEMO NO. 21-67 Oc tober 2 7, 1967 A SOCIAL SECURITY BILL THAT PUNISHES THE POOR What began as an attempt by Congress to modernize t he Social Security Act has, in the bill the House approved, resulted in several proposa l s that seem both backward and punitive. Some of the House proposals come close t o taking the long di s c re dite d view that the proper way to handle welfare is to insult the people who nee d it and try to push or scare them off the rolls. When Newburgh, New York, in 1962, proposed to cut off a ssis t ance t o recipients who refuse to take any jobs offered to them, it was exco r iate d t hroughout the nation for its medieval attitude. Yet the House-passed bill (H. R. 12080) has a provision that would authorize much that sort of treatm ent to depende nt . mothers and their children. When Louisiana sought to cut off-aid to mothers who gave birth to illegitimate children after going on r elief , the Department of Hea lt h, Edu ca t ion and Welfare ruled the plan invalid, Yet the House, by placing a cei li ng on aid to needy chil dren see ms to be t ryi ng, indirectly, to put i ts o wn limits on birt hs. The social security a mend m ents are now before the S enate and ii is h ere that we must concent rate our efforts for improvement s i n the 3 2-year-ol d s t a t ute that will make it responsive to the present needs of American society. A Loophole for Hos pitals In one o f our re ce n t MEMOs (No. 19 - 67 ~ Octob e r 9) , we s o un d e d th e a larm in regard to an a m endment that was not in the House - passed measure but was to be proposed as an addition to the bill during cu rrent conside r a tion of it by the Senat e "Cooperation in the Common Cause of Civ il Rights for All" �PARTICIPATING ORGANIZATIONS AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH NATIONAL CATHOLIC CONFERENCE FOR INTERRACIAL JUSTICE AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL ZION CHURCH NATIONAL CATHOLIC SOCIA L ACT ION CON FEREN CE NATIONAL COMMUNITY RE LAT IONS ADV ISORY CO U NC IL ALPHA KAPPA ALPHA SORORITY, INC. NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CATHOLIC MEN ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC. NATIONAL COUNC IL OF CATHOLIC WOMEN AMALGAMATED CLOTH ING WORKERS OF AMERICA AMALGAMATED MEAT CUTTERS & BUTCHER WORKMEN AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES-DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL JUSTICE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF NEGRO WOMEN AMERICAN ETHICAL UNION AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR ORGANIZATIONS CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PUERTO RICAN VOLUNTEERS, INC. NATIONAL COUNCIL OF SENIOR CITIZENS, INC. AMERICAN FEDERATION OF STATE COUNTY & MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES NATIONAL DENTAL ASSOCIATION NATIONAL FARMERS UNION AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS NATIONAL FEDERATION OF CATHOLIC COLLEGE STUDENTS AMERICA'\l JEWISH COMMITTEE NATIONAL FEDERATION OF SETTLEMENTS & NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS AMERICAN JE#ISH CONGRESS NATIONAL FEDERATION OF TEMPLE SISTERHOODS AMERICAN NEWSPAPER GUILD NATIONAL JEWISH WELFARE BOARD AMERICAN VETERANS COMMITTEE NATIONAL MEDICAL ASSOCIATION AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION NATIONAL NEWMAN STUDENT FEDERATION ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE OF B'NAI B'R TH NATIONAL NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION A. PHILIP RANDOLPH l"lSTITUTE NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR MEXICAN-AMERICAN SERVICES BISHOP'S COMMITTEE FOR THE SPANISH SPEAKING NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN NATIONAL SHARECROPPERS FUND B'NAI B'RITH WOMEN NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE BROTHERHOOD OF SLEEPING CAR PCRTERS NEGRO AMERICAN LABOR COUNCIL CHRISTIAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH CHURCH OF THE BRETHREN - BRETHREN SERVICE COMMISSION PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH-DIVISION OF CHRISTIAN OMEGA PSI PHI FRATERNITY, INC. CHURCH WOMEN UN TED PHI BETA SIGMA FRATERNITY, INC. FAIR PLAY CITIZENS LOBBY FOR FF PHI DELTA KAPPA SORORITY COLL EGL YCS NAT ONA PIONEER WOMEN, AMERICAN AFFAIRS CONGRESS OF RACIAL EQ PRESBYTERIAN INTERRACIAL COUNCIL DEL TA Sl(";MA THETA SORC11'TY EPISCOPAL SOCIETY FOR CV TURAL AND RAC Al FRANCS AN JIJRl<;D1CrlON O "l TV THE THIRD ORDE:R u• , T. FRANCIS C11L CHEMICAL & ATOMIC WORKERS INTERNATIONAL UNION CITIZENSHIP RETAIL WHOLESALE & DEPARTMENT STORE UNION FRO"HIERS INTERNATIONAL SOI., THERN BE.Au rv COl'..SRESS, INC 1-i DASSAH SOUTHERN ~HR ST Ml LEADERSHIP CO'ffrnEt.CE HOTEL ANO RESTAURANT EMPLOYEES ANO BAR~E DE.R; INTERNATIONAL U'IION TEXTILE WORKERS vN'ON OF AMERICA IM ROVED AfNEVOLENT & PROTECTIVE ORDER OF ELKS OF THE WORLD UNION OF AMERICAN HEBREW CONGREGATIONS INDUSTRI L UNIC'II DEPARTMEN r AFL CIO l'lTE "lAT'ONAL LAD[;:, GAR"'1EW WORKERc UNI N OF AMER CA l"ITE'R lAT ONAL U"ll0N OF ELECTRICAL RAC! IOTA l'H LAMBDA SORORITY, JAPA & MACHINE WORKERS TRANSPORT WORKERS UNION OF AMERICA UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST ASSOCIATION -COMMISS & RACE NON RELIGIJN UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST WOMEN'S FEDERATION UNITED AUTOMOBILE WORKERS OF AMERICA NC UNITED CHURCH OF CHRIST- COMMITTEE FOR RACIAL JUSTICE NOW AMERICAN CITIZENS LEAGUE UN'TED CHURCH OF CHRIST- COUNCIL FOR CHR 1 T A"l SOCIAL .I\CTION JEV., • H LAB R CC\o1MITTEE UNITED HEBREW TRADES JEWISH WAR VETERANS LABOR ZIONIST OR ,A'l1ZAT 10N OF A UNITED PACKINGHOUSE, FOOD & ALLIED WuRKERS ER CA LEA ,UL F-OR NDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH -COMMISSION ON RELIGIONS. RAU LUTf-!ERAN CHURCH 'N AMERICA--BOARD OF SOCIAL MINISTRY UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH - MED CAL C M'vilTTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS UNITED RUBBER WORKERS NATIO"lAL ALLIANCE OF POSTAL & FEDERAL EMPLOY ES UNITED STATES NATIONAL STUDENT ASSOCIA llON NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE UNITED STATES Y UTH COUNC L OFF 1CE. OF CHURCH & SOCIETY NATIO"lAL ASSOC AT ON OF COLLEGE WOMEN UNITED STf"LWORKERS OF AMERICA NATI "lAL ASSOC AT ON OF COLORED WOMEN'S CLUBS INC. UNITED SYNAGOGUE OF AMERICA NATIONAL Ac;SOCIAT ON OF NEGRO BUSINESS & P'lOFESSIONAL /OMEN'S CLUBS, INC UNIVERSITY CHRISTIAN MOVEMENT NATIONAL A SOCIA TIC. N OF RFAL ESTATE BROKERS, I OF SOCIAL IC'Rl •l ·,•, LEl SON .' 11 0 1 ' ·C' 1:01'. Jc V, M LLER ,.rm, r•. A F C.J.P B f I. OP. Y ~- PARRI SH , 1, 'r St ,le Hw y Planning Enp,in,,,., T1 :lMt,, H ROBER TS f', •nnin 1 O,r . A R M.P.C I ( 1 0 1 T,
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 1

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_001.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 1
  • Text: i OMMUNITY RELATIONS COMMISSION i203 CITY HALL, ATLANTA GEORGIA sosos Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr. City Hall REPRINTED FROM THE LOS ANGELES TIMES, SUNDAY, JULY 24, 1966 THE POOR’S ANGRY VOICES- A WARNING AND A THERAPY JACK JONES “The Negro built this nation; let’s burn it to the ground!” thundered a delegate to a recent conven- tion of the poor in Fontana. “We have found the only way to move the power structure,” cried another, “is to tell them what will Times staff writer Jones’s principal assignments are in the civil rights, welfare and poverty fields. happen if they don’t meet our demands. The truth was proved in Watts.” These cries of outrage, heard time and time again whenever the rebellious poor or less privileged gather, certainly are discomfiting to members of an PROTEST—"’Shouting at a public official . . . is a demonstration that the poor and minorities have < . . . power to challenge the ‘big chief.’ “ Times drawing affluent society. They expose the latent distrust and hatred of the so-called “power structure”; they ring with undertones of terror and possible anarchy. But viewed with an awareness of other protest movements of history, they reflect the not abnormal outcry of a people suddenly offered a chance to vent their frustrations. Some of the very people who have been the recent targets of vituperative attacks by the unsophisticated and uneducated regard those outbursts as healthy. The Shriver Incident Sargent Shriver, who directs the antipoverty war that has had much to do with releasing the angrv
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 4

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_004.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 4
  • Text: REPRINTED FROM THE LOS ANGELES TIMES, SUNDAY, JULY 24, 1966 THE CHICAGO RIOTS VIOLENCE WITHOUT A PLOT D. J.R. BRUCKNER Then, not that man do more, or stop pity; but that he be wider in living; that all his cities fly a clean flag .. . Poet Kenneth Patchen ~ oe = ~- ‘ne, -_ CHICAGO The worst aspect of a riot is that it causes an over-reaction in the community; the people panic. Revolutionaries have understood this since the an- cient world and have sometimes used it to their own advantage. There are signs of serious over-reaction in Chicago to the riots that ripped up the West Side from July 12 to July 15, Part of the panic is purely self-protective, of course. Political, economic and religious leaders of the community discovered in the midst of violence that they have less control than they would like, or indeed than they should have; and they found D. J. R. Bruckner is chief of The Times news bureau in Chicago. they have less information than they need, to act. Civil rights leaders on the whole discovered much the same thing. However, if a riot has any benefit, it lies in this, that it brilliantly illuminates, for a moment, the logic of events: extreme violence tends to force the hands of people, and suddenly theoretical positions and legal principles all look quite different. What happened in Chicago is not very mysterious if one looks simply at it. Search for a Plot A number of city officials and police officers, how- ever, are responding to the demands of the white majority in the city, and are looking for a plot or conspiracy, whether it be one concocted by youth gangs or Communist-inspired groups, or by political hotheads. A lot of investigators are scurrying around looking for this alleged plot, and, God help us, they may even find one. Any little old mangy plot, however crazy or ineffectual, will serve very well to salve the conscience of the city. The fact is that the riot was aimless. There is an instructive comparison available to this city. Last month there was a considerable riot in the city’s Puerto Rican community. Compared with the vio- lence on the Negro West Side, the Puerto Ricans’ riot was a model of order and purpose. Theirs was a violent demonstration against a breakdown of communication. There was a certain happiness about it at times, as when the crowds lifted a man who had been bitten by a police dog to their shoulders and paraded him through the streets as a hero. The Puerto Ricans are at least a community among themselves. After their riot their leaders attended public hearings and aired their grievances, and these were the same grievances one could hear any Puerto Rican on the streets talking about. Total Unhappiness What struck one about the riot among the Negroes was the total dissolution of a neighborhood of per- haps 350,000 people; the hatred not only against the white power structure, but against one another; the factions that battled against one another; the total unhappiness of it. This was not a happy riot, and even some of the boasting leaders of the teen- age gangs admitted they were afraid. Afterwards, no one could fully define the grievances of the community. The riot was started by an altercation over the turning off of a fire hydrant. One’s white neighbors who live out on the lakefront do not accept this explanation at all, but it is true. In the West Side ghetto a major riot can be caused by the turning of a wrench; no plot is needed and no reign of terror by gangs. Field workers from two city commissions working in the slums, others working for the YMCA, crusad- ing pastors and some police all know that riots have almost broken out several times in recent weeks over mere rumors, the transfer of a favorite priest from his parish, or an arrest. This is not to minimize the organized aspect of the riot. There are gangs and they are a serious problem, and there are some revolutionary groups in the ghetto. But life in the ghetto is normally violent and brutal; it does not take much to set off a riot. The white man outside the ghetto can scarcely realize the power of a rumor on the West Side, for instance; his mind cannot take it in. He really does not know the life of the poor, Negro or white, or how suspicious that life is. At 3 a.m. July 14, in the midst of the riot, a reporter was attacked by a large rat on a West Side street corner, Two teen-age Negro boys, returning, they said, from a riot foray, beat off this beast with a baseball bat and a board, explaining they were happy enough to fight rats which are, on the whole, worse than white newsmen. Filled With Rats The slums are filled with rats; rats are the mani- fest evidence of the inhumanity out there. They are everywhere, along with the debris of demolished buildings, the dirt in the streets, the cheap bars. Peo- ple grow up among the rats and live with them. The West Side is mostly the home of the Negro poor. In this it differs vastly from the South Side where perhaps 450,000 Negroes live; many of them live well, some live magnificently. On the West Side even childhood has degenerated into gang war- fare, extortion, intimidation, physical punishment and even occasional murder. Adult life is merely an extension of this violence. In such conditions one does not have to explain riots by plots. Mayor Richard J. Daley, during the riot, said there were “outsiders” promoting the riot. Perhaps there were. But all those arrested lived on the West Side and police did not find the outsiders. Angry with Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., the mayor demanded to know from him ‘whether other cities have no problems.”” Perhaps they have, and Dr. King is indeed an outsider. But last summer the mayor was faced with the problem of nuns staging a sit-in on the world’s busiest intersection to protest the slums, and they were not outsiders. The mayor's pouting is not dignified; it is childish. But it reflects the attitude of the white majority which still elects him and which resents being jostled. In race relations in this city, the bulk of the white people treats the mayor like a servant who is hired to bribe the minorities into civic order. Thus a riot produces a sudden munificence from city hall, of hydrant sprinklers and swimming pools and housing projects. Pervasive Conception This conception of the mayor's office is so per- vasive that even many Negroes have come to believe it, and the leading Negro politicians, who are part of Daley's Democratic Party machine, actually en- force it. But the gifts of city hall hide the basic problem about the Negro ghetto. The problem is that most of the people in the ghetto simply do not share in any way in the life of the city. Their alienation is an enormous spiritual wall built up of uncountable and ancient indignities; it is the wall of the city. The problem is to break down the wall. Dr. King, when he opened his civil rights drive here two days before hell broke loose, thought he had at least part of the machinery to break down the wall. But the riot, which illuminated society’s flaws, also illuminated some serious weaknesses in Dr. King and his approach. The first thing that became evident was that in Chicago Dr. King, the patron saint of non-violence, was leading a collection of local civil rights groups whose leaders include a few pretty violent people. This problem results from a structural weakness in the King method. Dr. King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference suffers from a lack of troops and thus it is plagued by indiscriminate recruitment when it enters a city. In a big city like Chicago, where there are 900,000 Negroes and only a percent- age of these favor Dr. King, the flaw can be fatal. Little Influence Dr. King very quickly discovered he had little influence in the West Side community. When he walked the streets on the first night of riot plead- ing for non-violence some young Negroes laughed at him. When his aides showed films this past spring of the Watts riots to illustrate the danger of violence, some youths applauded. Youth gang leaders who met with Dr. King as the riots subsided on the night of July 15 said they might turn to non- violence and again they might not. Some of these gang leaders told a reporter they had met several times with SCLC officials long before the riots, but Dr. King had no program for them, so the youths gave up on him. One of them called him a “hit-and-run messiah.” His prestige suffered enormously in the Chicago riots. The Sunday before the uproar started, he had stood in Soldier Field and debated non-violence as against “black power” with none other than Floyd MecKissick of the Congress of Racial Equality, the preacher of black power. The riot cooled that philosophical argument per- manently, one gathers. For the riot has turned not only the whites against Dr. King, but the Negro power structure as well; and his civil rights move- ment here is in immediate danger of passing into the hands of the old-time politicians. Dr. King finds himself in the position of either becoming the high priest of all the poor and only the poor, or getting out, quickly. In either case, he has been pushed—violently if you will—in the direction of the McKissick position, that Negro rights must involve Negro political power. Further, no matter how much Dr. King protests that his Chicago drive is not partisan and not violent, the riot exposed clearly that many of the people around him are very partisan and a few are violent. Violent and Non-Violent One of his top aides, the Rev. James Bevel, told almost 50,000 people at the July 10 rally that “we want the violent and the non-violent to join with us.” That seems pretty straightforward. Among the persons attending a conference with the mayor the day before the riots started was Chester Robinson of the West Side Organization, a local civil rights group. Robinson is not personally a violent man, but his headquarters has become a convenient gathering voices by financing community action programs seeking to involve the poor in the solution of their own difficulties, was shouted down in April when he attempted to address a conference called by the Citizens Crusade Against Poverty. At the time, he said a handful of “professional demonstrators” were trying to make trouble. His attitude now, at least for publication, is that such confrontations are a positive thing. “It’s time,” he says, “that the poor speak up for their needs.” ‘Joe P. Maldonado, executive director of the county's antipoverty vehicle, the Economic and Youth Opportunities Agency, who also has been subjected to insulting personal abuse, shares this opinion in essence. Governmental Confusion Infuriated by governmental confusion and political machinations which seem to dull the promise of anti- poverty programs, the poor strike out at anybody who represents the “power structure.” Their more vocal members appear determined to take over and make changes themselves. Speaking of certain manifestations of the so-called revolt of the poor, James BE. Ludlam, president of the Welfare Planning Council, a traditional agency, told anti poverty board members that a vocal minori- ty “grounded in militancy and conflict” was trying to capture control of antipoverty programs. He said these militant elements are given to threats of vio- lence, disruption of meetings and “infiltration and subversion of staff decisions.” But the Rev. William Hervey, director of the Department of Metropolitan Mission for the Los An- geles Presbytery, responds that militancy is neces- sary in the fight against “man's most dehumanizing enemy—poverty.” Old weapons cannot be used to fight a new war, argues Mr. Hervey, referring to the traditional wel- fare agencies. He agrees that many of those casti- gated by Ludlam are “grounded in militancy and involved in conflict,” but he could not agree that their actions were totally negative. One of the intriguing prospects in all this is that some of today’s revolutionists, like others of history, will become part of the ‘power structure’ them- selves once they gain control. Then, presumably, they will regard themselves as “responsible” and will find themselves facing the fury of new revolu- tionaries. One man who believes the often-irresponsible accusations by the poor are a necessary part of progress is Dr. J. Alfred Cannon, a UCLA neuro- psychiatrist who works with a group called People in Community Action. Dr. Cannon, a Negro, says, “Anytime you have a group of people who are relative strangers, one way they have of testing each other might be through initial demands or angry confrontations. It's a way of finding out how genuine the other person is. “Often this kind of confrontation ... paves the way for more constructive, gentle exchanges. “Shouting at a public official . . . isa demonstration that the poor and minorities have the strength and power to be able to challenge the ‘big chief.’ This is very important, because they can see their effec- tiveness in some kind of action. It leads to a sense of worthwhileness and adequacy ... and a potency which the poor generally don’t have.” ‘Feeling of Participation’ This is the beginning, says Dr. Cannon, “of the poor man’s feeling of participation in his own destiny, a very important strut in his health.” Bitterness over the failure of the war on poverty to deliver immediate results, and disillusionment over the administration of welfare programs have triggered a statewide—even a nationwide—effort by the poor to organize. With the backing of the University of California Extension, the Sears Foundation, and two privately organized advisory agencies—the California Founda- tion for Economic Opportunity and the California Center for Community Development—a first Califor- nia Convention of the Poor was held in Oakland in February. This led to the June convention in Fontana, at- tended by representatives of slum tenant councils, welfare recipient groups and community action movements around the state. Out of the Fontana convention, Dr. Jacobus ten- Broeck, a UC political science professor and former chairman of the State Social Welfare Board, emerged with the task of giving some organizational sophisti- cation to the more than 20 Welfare Rights Organ- izations which are loosely joined in this movement. A convention is planned this fall to develop a legisla- tive program, clearly aimed at mounting a lobby for changes in welfare and other laws affecting the poor, Welfare Recipients Remarkably, in view of widespread conviction among the general public that most welfare recip- ients wouldn't work if they could, some of the loudest protests in recent Welfare Rights Organ- ization demonstrations were that the present system “makes it impossible for us to work our way off welfare.” “Tf you don't have poor people in on the solutions,” says Dr, TenBroeck, “you misgauge what the prob- lems and their attitudes are. “They flail, they shout, they are quite unreason- able,” concedes Dr. TenBroeck. “This is therapy and steam-valving. Unless you provide some way to let off their futility, we're sitting on a lid we ought not to sit on—as you see in Watts. “It’s not a matter of whether we enjoy it—but whether we're going to make it possible for those who are deprived to cease to be deprived. “They want the rest of us to slide into the back- ground as they get on their feet and get organized. And that’s the way it should be.”
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 10

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_010.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 10
  • Text: 4 ) i) ROY WILKINS, Chairman NAY ARNOLD ARONSON, Secretary LL EA D = R Ss Fi l P = JOSEPH L. RAUH, JR., Counsel CONFERENCE | ON CIVIL RIGHTS CLARENCE M. MITCHELL, Legislative Chairman MARVIN CAPLAN, Director Washington Office J. FRANCIS POHLHAUS, Special Consultant YVONNE PRICE, Executive Assistant 2027 Mass. Ave., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 phone 667-1780 © New York address: 20 West 40th St., New York 10018, phone BRyant 93-1400 MEMO NO, 21-67 October 27, 1967 EO: Participating Organizations FROM: Arnold Aronson, Secretary A SOCIAL SECURITY BILL THAT PUNISHES THE POOR What began as an attempt by Congress to modernize the Social Security Act has, in the bill the House approved, resulted in several proposals that seem both backward and punitive, Some of the House proposals come close to taking the long discredited view that the proper way to handle welfare is to insult the people who need it and try to push or scare them off the rolls, recipients who refuse to take any jobs offered to them, it was excoriated through When Newburgh, New York, in 1962, proposed to cut off assistance to out the nation for its medieval attitude, Yet the House-passed bill (H.R. 12080) has a provision that would authorize much that sort of treatment to dependent. mothers and their children, When Louisiana sought to cut off-aid to mothers who gave birth to illegiti- mate children after going on relief, the Department of Health, Education and Welfare ruled the plan invalid, Yet the House, by placing a ceiling on aid to needy children seems to be trying, indirectly, to put its own limits on births, The social security amendments are now before the Senate and it is here that we must concentrate our efforts for improvements in the 32-year-old statute that will make it responsive to the present needs of American society. A Loophole for Hospitals In one of our recent MEMOs (No. 19-67; October 9), we sounded the alarm in regard to an amendment that was not in the House-passed measure but was to be proposed as an addition to the bill during current consideration of it by the Senate “Cooperation in the Common Cause of Civil Rights for All” Bei PARTICIPATING ORGANIZATIONS AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL ZION CHURCH ALPHA KAPPA ALPHA SORORITY, INC. ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC. AMALGAMATED CLOTHING WORKERS OF AMERICA AMALGAMATED MEAT CUTTERS & BUTCHER WORKMEN AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION AMERICAN ETHICAL UNION AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR — CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATIONS AMERICAN FEDERATION OF STATE COUNTY & MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS AMERICAN NEWSPAPER GUILD AMERICAN VETERANS COMMITTEE AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE OF B'NAI B'RITH A. PHILIP RANDOLPH INSTITUTE BISHOP'S COMMITTEE FOR THE SPANISH SPEAKING B'NAI B'RITH WOMEN BROTHERHOOD OF SLEEPING CAR PORTERS CHRISTIAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH CHURCH OF THE BRETHREN - BRETHREN SERVICE COMMISSION CHURCH WOMEN UNITED CITIZENS LOBBY FOR FREFOOM «& COLLEGE YCS NATIONAL CONGRESS OF RACIAL EQUAL ' DELTA SIGMA THETA SORORITY EPISCOPAL SOCIETY FOR CULTURAL AND RACIAL UNITY FRANCISCAN JURISDICTION OF THE THIRD ORDER OF ST. FRANCIS FRONTIERS INTERNATIONAL HADASSAH HOTEL AND RESTAURANT EMPLOYEES AND BARTENDERS INTERNATIONAL UNION FAIR PLAY IMPROVED BENEVOLENT & PROTECTIVE ORDER OF ELKS OF THE WORLD INDUSTRIAL UNION DEPARTMENT — AFL-CIO INTERNATIONAL LADIES GARMENT WORKERS’ UNION OF AMERICA INTERNATIONAL UNION OF ELECTRICAL RADIO & MACHINE WORKERS IOTA PH! LAMBDA SORORITY, INC. JAPANESE AMERICAN CITIZENS LEAGUE JEWISH LABOR COMMITTEE JEWISH WAR VETERANS LABOR ZIONIST ORGANIZATION OF AMERICA LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY LUTHERAN CHURCH IN AMERICA— BOARD OF SOCIAL MINISTRY MEDICAL COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS NATIONAL ALLIANCE OF POSTAL & FEDERAL EMPLOYEES NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLLEGE WOMEN NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLORED WOMEN’S CLUBS, INC. NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF NEGRO BUSINESS & PROFESSIONAL WOMEN'S CLUBS, INC. NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REAL ESTATE BROKERS, INC. NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF SOCIAL WORKERS NATIONAL BAPTIST CONVENTION, U. S. A. WATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION NATIONAL BEAUTY CULTURISTS' LEAGUE, INC. NATIONAL CATHOLIC CONFERENCE FOR INTERRACIAL JUSTICE NATIONAL CATHOLIC SOCIAL ACTION CONFERENCE NATIONAL COMMUNITY RELATIONS ADVISORY COUNCIL NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CATHOLIC MEN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CATHOLIC WOMEN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES—DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL JUSTICE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF NEGRO.WOMEN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PUERTO RICAN VOLUNTEERS, INC. NATIONAL COUNCIL OF SENIOR CITIZENS, INC. NATIONAL DENTAL ASSOCIATION NATIONAL FARMERS UNION NATIONAL FEDERATION OF CATHOLIC COLLEGE STUDENTS NATIONAL FEDERATION OF SETTLEMENTS & NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS NATIONAL FEDERATION OF TEMPLE SISTERHOODS NATIONAL JEWISH WELFARE BOARD NATIONAL MEDICAL ASSOCIATION NATIONAL NEWMAN STUDENT FEDERATION NATIONAL NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR MEXICAN-AMERICAN SERVICES NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN NATIONAL SHARECROPPERS FUND NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE NEGRO AMERICAN LABOR COUNCIL PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH—DIVISION OF CHRISTIAN OMEGA PSI PHI FRATERNITY, INC. PHI BETA SIGMA FRATERNITY, INC. PHI DELTA KAPPA SORORITY PIONEER WOMEN, AMERICAN AFFAIRS PRESBYTERIAN INTERRACIAL COUNCIL OIL, CHEMICAL & ATOMIC WORKERS INTERNATIONAL UNION CITIZENSHIP RETAIL WHOLESALE & DEPARTMENT STORE UNION SOUTHERN BEAUTY CONGRESS, INC. SOUTHERN CHRISTIAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE TEXTILE WORKERS UNION OF AMERICA TRANSPORT WORKERS UNION OF AMERICA UNION OF AMERICAN HEBREW CONGREGATIONS UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST ASSOCIATION — COMMISSION ON RELIGION & RACE UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST WOMEN’S FEDERATION UNITED AUTOMOBILE WORKERS OF AMERICA UNITED CHURCH OF CHRIST — COMMITTEE FOR RACIAL JUSTICE NOW UNITED CHURCH OF CHRIST— COUNCIL FOR CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ACTION UNITED HEBREW TRADES UNITED PACKINGHOUSE, FOOD & ALLIED WORKERS UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH — COMMISSION ON RELIGION & RACE UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH — OFFICE OF CHURCH & SOCIETY UNITED RUBBER WORKERS UNITED STATES NATIONAL STUDENT ASSOCIATION UNITED STATES YOUTH COUNCIL UNITED STEELWORKERS OF AMERICA UNITED SYNAGOGUE OF AMERICA UNITED TRANSPORT SERVICE EMPLOYEES ' UNIVERSITY CHRISTIAN MOVEMENT WOMEN'S INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE FOR PEACE & FREEDOM WORKERS DEFENSE LEAGUE WORKMEN'S CIRCLE YOUNG WOMEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION OF THE USA ZETA PH| BETA SORORITY ae Finance Commitiee, This was the amendment offered by Senator Herman Talmadge (D-Ga,.) that would enable patients to receive Federal medical benefits in hospitals that are not in compliance with the Civil Rights Act of 1964. We pointed out, then, the obvious danger this poses to adequate enforcement of Title VI of the Act, the section that enables the Federal government to cut off funds to any Federally-assisted program that discriminates, A Cornpromise Effected As this MEMO is written, a compromise appears to have been worked out between HEW and Senator Talmadge, Patients in non-complying hospitals would still be reimbursed, although the percentage of reimbursement no longer appears to be fixed. But instead of allowing such reimbursements for a period running from the start of Medicare in 1966 to December 31, 1968, the compromise would move the cutoff date for such treatment to December 31, 1967. While this is an improvement, the amendment still opens a loophole in Title VI enforcement and should still be opposed, New Burdens on the Poor While the Talmadge amendment is the one that deals most specifically with a matter of civil rights, other proposals in the House bill would fall so heavily upon the urban poor and their large minority groups, that it seems incumbent upon the Leadership Conference to oppose them, At the last meeting of the Washington representatives there was unanimous agreement that in addition to opposing the Talmadge amendment, the Conference should express its opposition to three others: 1, Compulsory Work and Training Programs States would be required to set up work and training programs and adults and children over 16, who are not in school, would be required to participate or face the loss of assistance, To mothers getting help under the Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program, this provision would come as a blow. They would be forced to take jobs or training even though, in many cases, there was no adequate day-care for their children and even though it was more important for them to stay home and care for their youngsters, What's more, there are no assurances that the training would be thorough ® or lead to anything. it could very well force them, in the end, to work in dead- end jobs for iow wages, And certainly forcing people to either work or lose the help they need for themselves and their children returns welfare to about the level of the mid-Victorian poorhouses., 2. Limits on Aid to Children The House bill would limit assistance under the AF DC program to only the percentage of children in broken homes, as related to all children under 21 in each state, that was receiving help in January 1967,\ For instance, if three percent of the minor children in a state were in broken homes and on AFDC in January, the state could not get Federal funds for more than three percent in subsequent years, no matter how large an increase there might be in the number of poor, fatherless youngsters living in it, Hardest hit by this proposal would, again, be the people least able to bear the burdens it would impose -- the migrants coming from the rural South to the cities, For those states in which such migrants usually settle, the choice would be bleak: either to assume the increased costs of caring for the destitute or to simply ignore them and invite further chaos, 3. Benefits The House bill would increase social security benefits by only 12 1/2 percent and raises the minimum benefit from the present $44 to only $50, This is clearly insufficient to meet the needs of individuais and families whose incomes are already being eroded by inflation. The Administration proposal calls for a 15 percent across-the-board increase and a 59 percent increase in the minimum to $70, While many groups within the Leadership Conference feel even this increase is insufficient, they are willing to endorse it as the minimum amount. The Con- ference consensus covers the amendments outlined thus far, There are other amendments in the bill that individual groups in the Leader- ship Conference oppose, One particularly, is the drastic restriction the House bill imposes on the new Medicaid (Title XIX) program of medical care for the needy, Income limits would be established at one-third over the AF DC payments level which would actually cut off from Medicaid eligibility welfare recipients in some states. The bill also permits states to cutiback on the range of medical care ser- vices provided, including the possibility of providing neither hospital nor physician services if other less essential services are provided instead. What Needs To Be Done We urge all our participating organizations to join in opposing at least: the Talmadge amendment on hospitals; the mandatory work-training provisions and the freeze on the percentage of dependent children who can be helped. We should strongly urge substantially larger increases in social security benefits, both across the board and in the minimum payments. Please write to members of the Senate Finance Committee (list attached) and urge them to vote against these and any other amendments that would lead us backward, plunge millions of poor people into despair and play into the hands of cynics who say Congress is unable to meet the pressing needs of our communities. But please act now! Toa growing and alarming extent, the War on Poverty appears to be shifting into a War on the Poor, =. 30 = SENATE FINANCE COMMITTEE Russell B, Long (D-La.), Chairman Democrats Republicans George A, Smathers (Fla.) John J, Williams (Del.) Clinton P, Anderson (N.M.) Frank Carlson (Kan. ) Albert Gore (Tenn, ) Wallace F, Bennett (Utah) Herman E, Talmadge (Ga.) Carl T. Curtis (Neb. ) Eugene J. McCarthy (Minn, ) Thurston B. Morton (Ky.) Vance Hartke (Ind. ) Everett McKinley Dirksen (IIl.) J. W. Fulbright (Ark.) Abraham A, Ribicoff (Conn. ) Lee Metcalf (Mont. ) Fred R. Harris (Okla. )
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 20

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_020.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 20
  • Text: AN ALLEN, JR. ‘arar, City of Afianta PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT COMMITTEE BOARD OF ALDERMEN PODNEY M. COOK, Crairmin — GRESORY GRIGGS, Wce-Ch aininan ROBERT S. DENNIS — A. GILLIAM CHARLES H. LEFTWICH J. BEN MOORE JACK SUMMERS TECHNICAL ADVISORY BOARD EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE R EARL LANDERS. Avtmun Ass't fo the Mayor, Chairman WYONT B. Planning CHARLES L DAVIS Comptr otter WILLIAM S HOWLAND ector, CA CUR iN . Atlanta Housing Authority WLLUIAMR. WOFFORD In pector of Buridings OTHER MEMBERS DUANE W. BECK fee. Or, Community Counce of Atlanta GLENN E. BENNETT Frecutve Director, A.R.M.PC Dr. J. HACKNEY D Put Health, Fulton Co. C. 4. HILDEBRAND Fire Chief PAUL B IVEY fon Agent JOHN H. JACOBS Director of Libraries HERBERT T JENKINS Potice Chiet ALAN F KIEPPER Fi ton County Manager [ 10} WW LETSON of School youl W MILLER . Conemen, AF CIB ENO PARRISH fot Stite Mwy, Planning Engineor Ti OMA. H. ROHERTS Pronniny Or, AR MPC Dr T. 3. VINSON D.. Pub. Health, DeKalb Co. PULL, WEIR Water Works, Gen, Mgr CITY OF ATLANTA COMMONITY IMPROVEMENT PROGRAM CITY HALL @G8 MITCHELL STREET, S.W. BATLANTA, GEORGIA 30303 @ 522-4463 August 10, 1966 GEORGE L. ALDRIDGE, JR. Mrs. Eliza Paschall Executive Director Council on Human Relations’ of Greater Atlanta, Inc. 5 Forsyth Street, N.W. Atlanta, Georgia 30303 Dear Mrs. Paschall: Thank you for your recent letter concerning personnel policies relative to the undertaking of the Atlanta Community Improvement Program and specifically to the employment of Negroes. Your letter offers us an opportunity to report on sound progress in this regard. One of the clauses appearing in the contract between the City of Atlanta and the United States of America for the federal grant funds reads as follows: "Equal Employment Opportunity. -- In the carrying out of the work covered by this Contract, the Public Body will not discriminate against any employee or appli- cant for employment because of race, creed, color, or national origin. The Public Body will take affirmative’ action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, creed, color, or national origin. Such action shall include, but not be limited to, the following; employment, upgrading, demotion, or transfer; recruitment or recruitment advertising; layoff or termination; rates of pay or other forms of compensation; and selection for training, including apprenticeship. The Public Body agrees to post in conspicuous places, available to employees and applicants for employment, notices to be provided by the ATLANTA'S MUNICIPAL RESEARCH & DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM Mrs. Eliza Paschall -2- ‘August 10, 1966 Government setting forth the provisions of this nondiscrimination clause. The Public Body will, in all solicitations or advertisements for employees placed by or on behalf of the Public Body, state that all qualified appli- cants will receive consideration for employment without regard to race, creed, color, or national origin. The Public Body will incorporate the . foregoing requirements of this paragraph in all of its contracts for work covered by this Contract, other than contracts for construction and contracts for standard commercial supplies or raw materials, and will require all of its contractors for such work to incorporate such require- ments in all subcontracts for work covered by this Contract..." In retaining the services of professional consultants ‘to undertake the sundry work items contained in the format of the CIP, subsequent contracts have been executed, Each contract drawn between the City of Atlanta and the professional consultants contains the same language set forth above. The Community Improvement Program has a permanent staff of six persons in addition to the director. All are City employees - paid by the City of Atlanta and subject to the City's personnel policies, These six persons on the permanent staff consist of two professional planners, two assistant planners, an administrative secretary and a Clerk III. The Clerk Ill isa Negro. He is but one of three appointments on the permanent staff made by the director since he was employed. Prior to my arrival the entire permanent staff had been selected and were on the job working. Although the positions Clerk Ill and Assistant Planner are sub- professional classifications, the potential for moving up to professional levels is wide open, depending on experience, education and abilities. Concerning salary ranges for these positions and any others in which you may be interested, we suggest that you address your questions to the City of Atlanta Personnel Depart= ment, Due to the nature of the Atlanta CIP, it has been necessary for the City to employ temporary college and high school students. During the summer and early fall of 1965, the CIP staff assembled a task force of approximately 70 people to undertake a city-wide inventory of parcels of land in Atlanta and compile 38 units of information about each parcel (e.g., building conditions, ownership, land use, zoning classification, etc.). This inventory was undertaken in conjunction with the installation of the City's electronic data processing equipment. In assembling the "task force't, we sought a combination of college students from the local area and high school students enrolled in the In-School Program of Economic Opportunity Atlanta, Inc., the local anti-poverty program. The Atlanta Personnel Department sent notices to all colleges in the metropolitan area and the response by the college students for approximately 40 jobs was overwhelming. White and Negro college Mrs. Eliza Paschal! -3- August 10, 1966 students applied. Recruitment, testing, screening and certification were handled through and supervised by the Atlanta Personnel Department. Selection of the 40 college students was the perogative of the CIP staff. The result was a bi-racial group of college students which constituted a large portion of the task force. Economic Opportunity Atlanta, Inc., provided us with 25 to 30 high school students through their In-School Program - all of whom were Negroes. Although we are not recruiting at the present time, our record speaks for itself insofar as recruiting Negroes is concerned, Our experience in employing Negroes and whites in a team effort has wrought meaningful results, In response to your question concerning the "policy: working board", apparently you have reference here to the Board of Aldermen of the City of Atlanta. As you know, this is a 17 member board, one of whom is a Negro, Mr. Q. V. Williamson of the Third Ward. As mentioned earlier, each of our consultants are bound by a contractual clause relative to equal opportunity in employment. To our knowledge each has offered Negroes employment and are living up to this contractual requirement. The City's contract with each consultant is not predicated on their submission of detailed payroll records or substantiated by racial composition relative to payments for work performed. Instead, each consultant bills the City based on the percentage of work he has completed in proportion to the total cost of the contract. Should you have evidence that the aforementioned equal opportunity in employment clause is being or has been violated by one of the City's consultants on work contracted for under this program, we would appreciate your forwarding it to us for investigation. The time limit for completing all of the work items contained in the Atlanta Community Improvement Program is twenty-seven months. We are currently in the twentieth month of the program. As | mentioned in my letter to you of February 4, 1966, we have worked very closely for some time now with two citizens groups as the CIP has progressed. These are the Mayor's Citizens Advisory Committee on Urban Renewal and a CIP sub-committee of that group. Both of these groups are bi-racial. For some time now, the City along with the citizens groups mentioned above have recognized the need for broader citizen involvement, thinking and reaction to CIP findings and recommendations. Generally speaking, such citizen involvement in other cities having undertaken similar programs has awaited the “ completion of the entire program. Early this fall, prior to the completion of the rogram, the City of Atlanta is planning to conduct, on a city-wide level, and fen perhaps for local neighborhood associations, civic organizations, etc., a series of four seminars on the Atlanta Community Improvement Program. These four seminars will treat the topical areas: Mrs. Eliza Paschall she August 10, 1966 (1) Government and law (2) The physical environment (3) The economic environment, and (4) The people These seminars should serve to promote broader understanding of the City's problems, its resources, what the future holds for.the City of Atlanta = and the role of Atlanta's citizens in that future. Once again, thank you for the opportunity of reporting on what we consider a good record in bi-racial employment practices. We are looking forward to this fall and to our seminars with the citizens of Atlanta. GLA, Jr/lm €e3 The Honorable Robert Weaver Secretary Department of Housing and Urban Development Washington, D. C. The Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor City of Atlanta, Georgia % The Honorable Q. V. Williamson Alderman, Third Ward City of Atlanta, Georgia be: Rodney Cook Dan Sweat\/ Earl Landers Collier Gladin Rebert Lyle
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 28

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_028.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 28
  • Text: Atlanta, Georgia August 15, 1967 Mra. Eliza Paschall Executive Director Community Relations Commission 1203 City Hall Atlanta, Georgia 30303 Dear Mrs. Paschall: My involvement in community activities has come to a temporary halt. There are several reasons I feel responsible for the changes One of then is, "The Method", Unless I organize a group to protest a complaint, the complaint continues to remain. There are several issues that are very important, and will go uneattended unless there is a movement arranged to solve theme Number two is "The Complaints", The summer regreation program is one one of the biggest hoax ever casted upon the underpriviledged citizens in this city. The only beneficiaries of the Atlanta Recreation Department were the staff and employees, and they were either the hired staff, aides, employees who were there to participate with the facilities. And they were either enjoying themselves or sitting down drawing pay. There were more youngsters playing in the street than there were in, or on, the premises made available by the city or organizations. While I am on the subject of organizations, the Summerhill area has at least five that are crowing out the others and duplicating programs together in the buildings that are too small for then all. This causes confusion and keeps most of the youngesters puzzled. To name a few, The Atlanta Urban League, The Jayeees, Atlanta Parks & Recreation, The Board of Education, and the E.0eA., plus the Atlanta Braves. progran What is going to be done (In Summerhill where some efforts were made and in Mechanicsville where nothing was done) this fall for reereation in the community? Maybe "The Method" will have to be demonstrated again, and again, in order to get this problem solved. I have studied this A.C.E.P. project, ami I am in doubt of it before it even gets started. There will be over $4 million dollars spent in Atlanta alone. Here is the clincher, £.0.A. additional staff to be pc idle Time Tomi Yigg Re preg ng pg oye Fm meg hadhe. called qualified p e (Believe me, I am not retaliating because was denied a position that required certain qualifications that I could not — Even though I did qualify with equivelent). I could do a bet -- man for man than any so-called professional placed dn th to ay « This program will pay te the professionals and not peoples one cent. ‘This is another £.0.A. typleal way Ff | Page 2 of looking out for the so-called pros. I mve another question. When will £.0.A. plan a program that will that will put money in the poor citizens pockets? I may have to rely upon "The Method" again. I have met with the same E.eO.A. chosen few for so long until I am sick, For each purpose the same identical few are notified, and called to meet and decide for the commnity. Usually the decision is already made, they come to put the community approval to it. And if it's good or bad, it is never discussed satisfactorily. That is another reason I am not so eager to continue to deceive myself and my neighborhood, and my friends. I have aceomplished more with two unknown (Big Publicity) groups than the Neighborhood Center has in two yearse We shall continue together, or should I say, they shall continue. I organized a group of forgotten citizens »¢ and before they could have the first mesting, the E.0.A. and the Atlanta Jayeees had a prepared program for them. Let then have credit. I get the everlasting glory, and God's blessings. Unlike General Douglas MeArthur, I may not yatueny unless I see the possiblities Toni Moobay Edvard Moody eo: The Mayor The Vice Mayor ur. Delius Dr. Letason Director of Sum—/ac Mr. Doisfeulet Jones
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 24

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_024.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
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  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 24
  • Text: VIOLENCE IS NOT THE WAY .. . Atlanta Branch NAACP The events occurring in our city a few nights ago when a few people interfered with an officer of the law in the routine execution of his duty has caused some alarm and deep concern on our part as citizens in this community who take seriously our responsibility as citizens, No one can honestly deny the facts of history -- facts which show that Negro people have been and still are victims of injustices and wrongs. We are just as determined as any to work continuously and with vigor to eliminate any and all injustice in this city. We donot believe, however, that one wrong can be made right by committing another wrong. The way of violence no matter by whom perpetuated is wrong and it creates more problems than it solves. Worst of all, violence always victimizes the innocent children. This course is not wise and should not be followed by any people. There is a way to protest. The frame work is set out in our Constitution. All people should work to see: 1, That it is preserved and honored, 2. That all who live under it, live by it. Violence or inciting to riot does neither of these, As citizens who live here and who are determined to make Atlanta a more just city we pledge our support of law and order, We call for wisdom and calmness on the part ofall, . . the police and the people alike, Level heads, pure hearts when joined in a common purpose, remove fear and release untapped energies for good. Atlanta, though imperfect, is too good to NAACP Statement Page 2 be destroyed by rashness no matter from what quarter. Those who are engaged in the struggle for human injustice anywhere in this nation must have friends. Noman, no nation, no group of people can go it alone. Cooperation is the way to achieve righteous goals.
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 17

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_017.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 17
  • Text: September 16, 1966 Mr. Charles A. Fitzgerald, President Tucker Midget Football Conference, Inc. P, O. Box 67 Tucker, Georgia Dear Mr. Fitzgerald: I was very pleased to learn of the plans you and Ralph Long are making for a football game at Wesley Avenue. I am familiar with the fine work of Mr. Long and Aaron Watson. Probably the main reason we have not had any racial disturbances in that neighborhood is because of the positive program of participation that these two men carry out in their community. I see no problems at all with your bringing a team into the Wesley area and I would endorse such a commendable attempt to develop friendship between the races in this manner. Mr. Dan Sweat, my assistant, has worked with Mr. Long and Mr. Watson on other projects and I am sure he would be happy to work with you if there is anything my office can do to help make this project a success. Iam sure that Mr. Sweat will be interested from another stand- point since he lives in your community and has a son playing on the Smoke Rise team. You may call him at 522-4463, Ext. 280. His home number is 938-0197. Congratulations and good luck with yaur fine program. Sincerely yours, Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor IAIr:fy
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 18

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_018.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
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  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 18
  • Text: TUCKER MIDGET FOOTBALL CONFERENCE, INC. P.O. BOX 67 * TUCKER, GA. - TELEPHONE 938-4888 “Bringing the Wonderful World of Football to Boys and Girls” Board of Directors CHARLES FITZGERALD EMMETT MIZE FRANK FINDLEY Officers CHARLES FITZGERALD, President EMMETT MIZE, Athletic Director FRANK FINDLEY, Secretary-Treasurer League Teams Lions Smoke Rise Idlewood Tucker Park Briarlake Midvale Rehobeth Baptist Warren EMMETT Mize 938-4387 Douc Stowers 938-8441 Otis HoLMEs 938-3768 CHARLES KING 938-3450 Bop HENDRIX 938-2510 Guy WARREN 938-7479 Bitt Hickson 443-6000 JmM BRIDGES 938-0089 JEANNETT Doster, Girls’ Activities MACKY WatERS, Boys’ Activities SUE BALL, SHIRLEY TOWNLEY, Fund Raising September 12, 1966 The Honorable Ivan Allen Mayor of the City of Atlanta City Hall Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mayor Allen: This letter is written to aquaint you with a worth while project for negro boys in the city of Atlanta. Since January, Mr.Ralph Long, Principal of Wesley School, Mr. Aaron Watson, Athletic Director of Wesley, and myself have been meeting making plans for a football program for boys 8 thru 13 year of age living in the various communities of Atlanta. King & Spalding Company, has incorporated our group under the name "Youth Sports Activities of Atlanta, Incorporated”, as you can see on the attached blank letterhead. In meeting with Mr. Long and Mr. Watson and others they have brought in, I have been impressed by their desire to do for their young people even though it means taking much of their spare time. I believe in football as a builder of character and believe what these men are doing is very worth while. My group in Tucker is also engaged in similar work with our youth and have eleven years experience at it. This fall our two groups are trying to arrange some way to bring our two teams together in a gester of friendship, Our thought is to. start out with a game in the Wesley area, with us bringing our group in a bus. We want to provide a bridge, small in the beginning, for a better understanding between our young people. I know of no better way than athletics, Continued..... The Honorable Ivan Allen Since this would mean bringing 33 white boys into the Wesley area, we want to make sure we go about this in the right way. I would appreciate your thoughts on this. Perhaps you could come and speak to the two groups before the game, right at the field. I truly believe this is a milestone in good relations between races but, as I said, don't want to make a mistake as we start out. If you think it advisable we can come down to your office and discuss this. At any rate I will appreciate your suggestions and comments. Very truly yours, TUCKER MIDGET FOOTBALL CONFERENCE, INC. ie je. Cro Charles A. Pitgyeral President \ CAF :ns cc; Mr. Ralph Long Mr. Aaron Watson Mr. Emmett Mize
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 15

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_015.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 15
  • Text: THE VICE FPRESIDENT o WASHINGTON September 2, 1966 Dear Mayor: I am pleased to send you a copy of the Report of the White House Conference "To Fulfill These Rights."" This report is a product of more than one year of intensive study by hundreds of individuals and organizations from all walks of life who re- sponded to President Johnson's call for a White House Conference to help formulate specific steps to help the Negro American move "beyond opportunity to achievement." The report was recently presented to the President by the Honorary Chairman of the Conference, Mr. A. Philip Randolph, In- ternational President of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, and the Chairman of the Conference, Mr. Ben W. Heineman, Chairman of the Chicago and Northwestern Railway Company. The 29 member Council to the Conference and the 2500 dele- gates stressed the formulation of action recommendations in four specific areas: 1. Economic security and welfare; 2. Education; 3. Housing; and 4. Administration of Justice. President Johnson has announced that all Federal departments and agencies will evaluate these proposals most carefully and submit to him specific recommendations for carrying forward the Administration's commitment of promoting equal rights and equal opportunity for every American. You will note, however, that much of the responsibility for implementing these recommendations also rests with our states and local communities. This is as it should be -—- meaningful, visible change in the lives of people cannot take place in any other manner. I, therefore, urge your careful analysis and study of this report. Many of the recommendations will hopefully be relevant to problems you may face in your community. If you have ques-— tions about any portion of the report or its recommendations, please feel free to seek from me additional clarification or assistance. And I am especially hopeful that you will from time to time let me know what steps you may be taking in achieving the objectives discussed in the report. As stated by the President, we are seeking "not just equal- ity as a right and a theory, but equality as a fact and a result." I believe this report is a historic blue-print for action to help our nation achieve this goal. Best wishes. Sincerely, ChehertMhe Hubert H. Humphrey Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor City Hall Atlanta 3, Georgia
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 13

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_013.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
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  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 13
  • Text: OFFICE OF THE MAYOR JOHN V. LINDSAY CITY HALL NEW YORK CITY Tel: 566-5090 211-68 Immediate Release . (Tuesday, June 18, 1968) Mayor John V. Lindsay and Mayor Carl Stokes of Cleveland have agreed to serve as co-chairmen of a mayors’ committee in support of the Poor People's Solidarity Day March in Washington tomorrow (Wednesday, June 19). Mayor Lindsay and Mayor Stokes released the following statement from their offices today: "Tomorrow, June 19th, thousands of people from across this country will gather in Washington, D. C. to participate in the Poor People's Solidarity Day March. "They will march, in peace, for the right of each citizen to be decently fed, clothed and housed. "They will march, in peace, for the right of every citizen to work a full week and enjoy the fruits of their labor. "They will march, in peace, for the right of every citizen to live without fear and to be judged without prejudice. "They will march, in peace, for the hopes of us all....for that day when we wiil again be one Nation. "We, the undersigned Mayors, feel it only fitting and proper that we publicly proclaim our commitment to the goals of those who march tomorrow. "Nowhere is the violence, poverty and division against which they fight more deeply felt than in our great cities. In this sense, their cause is ours and we must support them." La) Hugh J. Addonizio, tiayor, Newark, N.J.; Joseph M. Alioto, Mayor, San Francisco, Calif.; Ivan Allen,Jr., Mayor, Atlanta, Ga., Joseph M. Barr, Mayor, Pittsburgh, Pa.; Thomas P. Byrne, Mayor, St. Paul, Minn. Jerome P, Cavanagh, Mayor, Detroit. Mich.; A. J. Cervantes, Mayor, St. Louis, Mo.; James N. Corbett, Jr., Tucson, Ariz.; Thomas G. Currigan, Mayor, Denver, Colo.; Thomas D'Alesandro, Mayor, Baltimore, Md. Bruno Giordano, Mayor, Stamford, Conn.; Milton H. Graham, Mayor, Phoenix, Ariz.; Richard G. Hatcher, Mayor, Gary, Ind.; John V. Lindsay, Mayor, New York, N.Y.; Henry W. Maier, Milwaukee, Wisc. Arthur Naftalin, Mayor, Mirlneapolis, Minn. N.Y.; Carl B. Stokes, Mayor, Cleveland, Ohio; Antonina P. Uccello, Mayor, Hartford, Conn.; Walter E. Washington, Mayor, District of Columbia; Kevin H. White, Mayor, Boston, Mass.; Samuel W. Yorty, Mayor, Los Angeles, Calif. ; Frank A. Sedita, Buffalo, j 2 ¥
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 11

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_011.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
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  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 11
  • Text: Oeowe Nee SAl-057@ oe F ATLANTA LIFE INSURANCE GOMPANY POST OFFICE BOx aga7 ATLANTA, GEORGIA 3O3O01 May 17, 1967 JEssE HILL, Jr. ACTUARY Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr., Mayor City of Atlanta City Hall Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mayor Allen: Thank you very much for your cooperation and considera- tion during the conference last week in your office with Summit representatives. Please send us a written statement of your follow-up action on outlined specifics as indicated in our discussions. Please request for us from Mr. Elrod and Mr. Sutherland a list of all job positions of the newly built and the origi- nal City Auditorium facilities, describing the respective job qualifications, duties and salary classifications in each. There is considerable unhappiness in the Negro community concerning the Model Cities Proposal, and the operation of Public Housing and Urban Renewal by the Atlanta Housing Authority. At this hour there is serious consideration of a delegation going to Washington to confer with Secretary Robert Weaver as a protest of what is considered bias, discrimination and violations of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. In your written statement of reaction, please specify among other things what steps you have taken to implement changes or amendments in Model Cities Proposal as agreed to include Negroes on the Executive Board, and other complaints including the exclusion of Negro organizations in the Proposal. Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr. City Hall Page 2 May 17, 1967 We also request a statement from the Personnel Department on the status of Mr. Sterrs Johnson's appli- cation for employment in Civil Defense. Mr. Johnson has pursued employment in this Department for several years without success. We are informed that he has passed the required test, at one time we were told that he did not pass the test. Very truly yours, ATLANTA SUMMIT LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE JeSse Hill, Jr., Co-Chairman Rev. S. W. Williams, Co-Chairman Alderman Q. V. Williamson, Co-Chairman i ih Pree
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 12

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_012.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 12
  • Text: May 26, 1967 MEMORANDUM Mr. Theodore Edward Smith visited the Mayor's Office on Friday, May 26th. He advised me that he represented the U. S. District Attorney and was stationed in Atlanta for the purpose of keeping the U. S. Attorney General advised as to ' any threats of racial disturbances. Mr. Smith requested ~ that he be notified of any such threats. He can be contacted as follows: Business: Room 401, Old Post Office Building, U. S. District Attorney's Office Telephone: 525-2072 Residence: 636 Fair Street, Apartment #C-21 Telephone: 524-8301 R. Earl Landers
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 26

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_026.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
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  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 26
  • Text: CITY OF ATLANTA DEPARTMENT of POLICE Atlanta 3, Georgia June 6, 1960 HERBERT T. JENKINS Chief Mr. Dan E. Sweat, Jr. Mayor's Office City Hall Atlanta, Georgia Dear Dan: Attached hereto is my file from the ihite House Conference that I attended. I attended all of the meetings and the Planning Session last fall and the reguiar session last week. President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, and Attomey General Katzenbach made it abundantly clear at both meetings that the Johnson Administration was committed and dedicated in not only giving the Awerican Negro all the rights and privileges of first class citizenship, but to also give them every possible assistance in obtaining these rights. There were only a few hundred people attending the planning session, but about 2500 attended the general session last week. It was a very infomnative and interesting ieeting as well as a very interested group of individuals, as you can tell by the attached file. Please returm the file when you have finished with it. Sincerely yours, HIJsgp attach Chief of Policd ‘&}
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 22

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_022.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
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  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 22
  • Text: Total nusber in office 3 Professional _ Positions Total number of Necroes in office 3s professional positions Rumber of Negroes in supervisory positions ° Salary range of white employees to. Salary range of Negro esployees ta Ara you now recruiting for any jobs? How have you tried to recruit Negro applicants?- Sumber of whites on policy working Board Exeo. Committee se iumber of Negroes on policy working Board Broo. Comittee Signed =
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 6

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_006.pdf
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  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 6
  • Text: e ~ ,: - . . . r . • ~t --- PREF A·C E . . i·; , ~ ,. . . • - _1 ' .. .. ,I .:., · ' ,I; tt;} i ~.r:·:. t. , . i ·. ~1 .... In attemptin17 to anal v~e wl1ere the movement· is go:i ng, cer tain - i {f ' c.23 :. questions have arisen as to the P,, t,,re roles nlaved by white . :,. I • i .. . personnel. In or.d·e r to make th1 s iss11e clearer, we have wr j tten ) · :fi ·I t ·> .' ;-\• .: ._, i a .few paragraphs, atemminC? from our observ~ions and experiences , lfL,_< .•if ->} . -i o1 ,4.. • i,'.:, I • • •• • • ·: : l-t;,:r.:. : Some of the reasons are as follows: -~ ;·:!L-· ·.- :\ The imi~j lj ty 'i tt-. ) :-::i·:(:--:·.:· '" ~ ~ . .. ~· .,r- ·- .J :wf~ :.- ~ ; ~-- . <} J'L · · ·· ~ The answers to. these · q1.1estions lead us to believe that the form of white participation, as practiced in the past, is now obsolete. j ;.;.·:. ::: )i[: ' '., .., which trerve as a pr·e view to a broader st11dy on the subject. .\ or ._ whites to relate ' to the cultural aspe ct s of I ..: Black soc 1 etv; att! t11aee that whi tea, conscionsl-v ·or unconscious- · ·' . "i · · · ~1·;·1·.· ·__., ... ·.: ~ . #', j·.' ly, brin~ to Blacl-r. com·"luni ties abont themselve s · (wes te rn s uperior- .~ I. . . _;'?: ,.· ·'._.,".. :/' -. ·. i ty) and about Black neon le (paternalism); i n a bili tv t o s ha t ter -~ ft(~~:-:~·\{:-.:~~ '. ·: 'r;:1-.': ·, · (; ·, <} --:. ·.· ·. ~: whi ta-sponsored comm11ni t v m~rths of Black - j_nferj or i tv a nd self, \ . ne.liation; ina., i li ty to combat the v i ews ·of t he Bl ack .commnni ty ... .. >:i .. ::a:u:::::;o::::::::;:i::i:::::: c:o:::o:h:::c:o:::::i::::rds' ~- , 1! • t : :: \ · t~J:i. :_ '. _: . -.. • .• - t, ; \.- ~ /• '.:; ··{ ' ,j l • I ·., I . .. ,·r .. • r u ..... t hrelationships" ( s ex ); the unwillin~n~ss of whit~s to deal with _ . :- i i • the ho s t i l i ty of the _Black, community on the i ssll e of interra cial the roots of racism which lie within the white community; whites, though individua~ ••11benal", are symbols of o~pression _to the · •' ·f 1 . . :r ~·1 I Black community -- due to the collective power that whi~es 'have I r I ., . .• . , over Black lives.· .. Because of' these rea11J,.,ns, which f'o:rce us to view America thr~ugh ..' ~ ~~ ! ~: ,. ' ,' ~ 'I i .. the eyes · or victims, we advocate a conscio,1e chanr,-e .in the role of t ) ·,.:·.:~;'-' .,:· .whites, . ,.,h~ch . . ir , .- . . ,.- .r.;:r ·': /: _.: ·, will be in t •me with the develoning self~ c on s ci ous . . . . - ' .. ness . and :_self-ass~~\ion :o:.. ·_~h~ -~froi..arn.~rican people. ' �~ ~ ~J -- - ------------------... =~ ---,.,., . -- ---·-. ... ... -·- -·-- - - -ffl•'l'~~J -... ! ..:!·.~-143.215.248.55 ~ - ., -~ - -... ,.- ... . ~. ,., --· . .' , .j ,· , .'t" • 1'• ( , ,; ., I:. ~ -I . ... •". ---· ~. ... ~,-.. ,,. .~ ... • ' ,... l ... ,..: ", . ·-.... ... ·.• .~- ff .. ' ·.1j·_ V,ai ' ... ,.- .• . . ! ..... ' : .. ' ...... ' • ....· ~ . ,., l"·." ... 1 .. -:. .J" In conttl,uding. we cstatG ' thet our posjtion ~oes "}. . ~ steili from &gainst white ~~opl~, but from a conscien- ha.trea." or tious effprt ~o develop the best methods of solving our national ' . problem_. I ,> "!' ·',, 'i 1· < ·) ' ., . f "r .: .i ••. -· . \ l • ,' Ii. '··· j ·-'~ ·. ~ . :· ~-.: ,.!.:~: ... ~. , • I ·,· ...~- , ,.: ":\:. ' '· ·.: - i r. ., . '. I .. ,. , 1~· i t. 4 ·1 .· . -:.·· . . . . . ... ·, .. . ! '· '. ~ ' > •· ' , . ,~· . ~ . ,. ' .. ' •,j .. , !:;·,. •\ - ~ • ! l l ,i i ,_ ·, 'I ·..{   . l .' ! i ~. . '· •\ . -,: ! ~ . ·.[ ~ ., -~ .,·1 )· ~- ,._. ·,; ' (" \ ·.· ,/ , ~- - .. . ·_.; ,: ' , •II' ·~ ..... •• I ~ I ·, ' i •:"' I- . '·-; I I 'I ._..,i . .,,.:I ,- ., •-;...· • ,.. LT • h,_.. ~ \ , '.'i -- ~ -- .~ - '.!.::::i . • ... :: . .! . . ~ '.}(F,~ . ,>. ~ . •·: ' - I •• ., '• - - - ,• • • • ~l, • _ _.. • I ~;.. , r~ ,• .,.'.!••• _,__. • , .. ·-. .I \ ' '· �~ {,&,rat:;;~:-;;.,e;.-;:., -~~ --::t··•- .....-• •j I .:_? -? .. .• :l . - - • "'"': ~ - ~!': ·: • , •": - : - " ' . - : " . ' :.. ~. -:. - ."'.' . ":" . •'.""..~ . - : - - ' . ' . • "• .":' . '."." .. ~ _ . --- -••- . '.'"' _ -:'."' ,. _ __ ; ,_ • -. p_.....,., . ~., , ·.·.- · ~- , , .. .,._._ ., .f .., . 1\ ~ _ .t,, --~ ... . _,_ ," : . : ·.. / . 1. •, •, ,• • ··- ~ .... • ... , P • "'\~ • '#; '· ' '- - .!.-=----=:-== -·= =;-=-:-:======= .= . . Ne'g ro ;i;i so·nJehow incapable of liberating ouL of the • __ ,,,.: -- A111erican experience. / In the books that children read, whites are always "good" ( good symbols . "I I · ' · .are white ), Bla~ks '. t ... r -~. .:., -- - - -_-__..; _ . I: . ... i . - . .t hi ms elf, is lazy, etc. can1e ·. ·1 ~ .,, • • •• ~=--=-=-=----------\ 'rhe u,yH, t.he.4- ~he . , t °'::--.. - -- - - -- - •• --. ~ --~ "- -.,. ,.- ~ . =_ _ _ ____._ _ I •••- . -- - • : - .: ·:- ·-- · :. _- -- : :· .. ~---:·--'. ; '"•. -:!-~ .:,~~.:; •,:-;::_-p;_-":"..,. ' ' - ~ _,_..,.......,,.....,,=--,:,::;e,;:==:=-=:~ ..-,_::,, ._,-;._._., _ _,.., __ _ - ,- •• -• • - , .. language is ref~rred to as a "dialect", and Black people in this country ' ·.·. ... '.'• are "evil" are seen as "savages" in movies , their a.re supposedly descended from savages. , •• • I Any white pe~son . . . . . who comes. into the Mov~ent has these concepts .. in his mind about Black people, if ·only subconsciously. I He cannot escape them because the whole society has geared his subconscious in I .. i" -~-~ :· : that direction. !)._·: Miss ~merica coming from Mississippi has a chance to represent I··· I '· . -... ,, ' ; .t' . \I .. < It~ • J.• · f ! . ~ ' .': • ~ 1: ·1t ,. .. ,-. {· _, . I • I ~- ·. j-_.· ' l• ~-~ all of America·, but a Black person from neiflre r Mississippi or New ' . . ' • York will ev_e r represent Arr.erica. So that white people coming int o the • I , '. : .• , • • • • • • -we>rd "black", cannot relate to the "Nitt'y Gritty", canno t r elate t o the experience that brought such a word into b e ing, cannot relate to . .! .. _1. ~ , Mov~rnen~ canno_t relate to the Black experience, cannot relat e t o t he • ,} . '·. .... .'~ . - 0 \, ;(; . ;. . I • • • chitte.rlings, hog's head cheese, pig feet, ham hocks , and ca nnot • ! . . . . . . . relate to slavery, because these things are not a part of their experience • ' rced that Blacks cannot organize t h e m s elv es. T he white psych~logy that Blacks have to be watc h e d, als o reinforces ' I t his s t ereotype , Blacks, in fact, fee l in t imidated ~y the presence of whit e s, because of their k nowledge of the p ower that whites have over ., their lives. ,One whit e pers·on can' come into a meeting of Black people . _. . ,.·. ....· . . . _·: _ ·..• _:t ..-~ (. .I ' i. ' ' ·and.. cha~ge the complexion of tha.t ...meeting, whereas one Black person .. . . . . . . . . ' . . . w9_u ld not change the complexion_of that meeting unless he was an , .. . . ·. . )' . .. . . f. ·. ,. . ' : . :_ ' ... ~ . ~ ~ j �;q ·Dilt.t;i r~ I ~,.;Jt:'!, ~ii______________________ ,,.__ _ _ _ _ _ _ ______~ ~- 4 .. .. .. , ... ' ·. ~- 1~ 4':1'··~ - 't !! .. . .. • ·- ·- - ... ,,..._ -- - ,- . - - _....-·-- .: . .. _.__j._....;......._,,..,.,.;,,=""~~-.,.~-,-,~-~-.....,_..,,.. _,..,, ___,,.,._.,..,. __ =,:; _ · . :i " • - . •t .....,... _ ..- . - .: . .... ·, . I • '. r • r• - ~ :-,:,.._T__,,~:_r. r ~ obvious Uncle Tom. 't ·-,,-~, . - . .- • - • • ' ,. 4 • •, ' ~ r ., . . • =--·.:.;...c.;.• • =-~·~~ - -·- . ------ ---------.-----========-======= .People would immediately start talking about "brotherhood", "love".; etc.; race would not be discussed. l If people must express themselves freely, there has to be a climate I . I I , l:; .' . . : ' · are not liable to vent the rage that they feel about whites in the presence .. ' . •. · : ·. ' in which they can do this. If Blacks feel intimidated by whites, then they ,. ' ' _i... I' • '! , ••: . organize, i.e., the broad masses of Black people. . i I ~ _; of whites---especially not the Black people whom we are trying to ·: . .., be created whereby Blacks can express themselves. . . .. ~ A climate has to The reason that ~ . :~ .. . ., whites must be _e xcluded is not that one is anti-white, but because . the efforts that one is trying to achieve cannot succeed because whites r. '._have an intimidating . . . effect. Oft times the intimidating effect is in direct proportion to the amount of degradation that Black people have ·' ,' ':. { . '! • • suffered at the hands of white people. It must be offered that white people who desire change in this country .- ' .·:,. . .. ;" .. . should go. where that problem (of racism) is most manifest. That ·! i: \' p;-oblem is not in the Black community. The white people should go into whi~e communities where the whites have created power f or the •• 1• i:. express of denying Blacks hlllman dignity and self-determination. Whites who come into the Black community with ideas of change seem '··'-.~ to want to absolve the power structure of its r~sponsiblity of what it j> .tji ,: · ., t ji ; .r.- !· a., .~! I is doing, and saying that change can only come through Black unity, I· t ' I j ,, j '/ 1 /_ .,~ I I .. which is only the worst kind of paternalism. This is not to say that whites have not had an important role in the-Movement. In the case , · ' 1. of Mississippi, their role was very key in that they helped give Blacks ,, : . I the right to organize, but that rcle is now over, and it should be. 1. People now have the right to picket, the right to give out l eaflets, ,. the right to vote, the right to demonstrate, the right to print• . i,. . I . Il These things which revolv·e around the right to organize have been •I• . accomplished mainly because oftthe entrance of white ·people· into ., Mississippi• - i~ :the ·aummer of '6~. i Since these goals have now been , ... : I _, �-:..~ k.··~ ~-:.:.:_.:'.;"-~~.,.;,_,.,,_:_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _:;_;. ·.(~ ..;,,tv......<. - ·· - •• • ;., .• - . <~; ~- · ·~-· -- - •• • • •• .. . ,:_ ·- -· ·-· ·· i :r:·· . . -.,.,~-143.215.248.55-~:':- ~~ ~-. ... ·· ·· · • - · - • •• • .. • - . - ·· · - • - -· · - --- -- - · · ·· - - - - - --. ·.·•· .· . • -- • - --~ 143.215.248.55·-_- -~--~--- - ' ·"=---~ ,-~-~-~-~ .. · ·· --· . j - ·: · · ,. -.. ~ - - - -_ ~- - __ .. .._. ~ ·--.-- · accomplished, the.ir (whites) role in the Movement has now ended. ,. ' • :· What does it mean if Black people, once having the right to organize, •i are not allowed to organize themseives? It means that Black's ideas .. I ., . ' . ·, .• I ' wnites are the '~b~·ichls" behind the Movement .and Blacks cannot . IE ;, • . . .:. .· . . :. .. : .. '• i-'t .. . i: i function without whites. This only serves to perpetuate existing a tti t ude s within the existing society, i.e., Blacks a.re "du~b", "unable to . .·,· , . '. s .' Further (white participation) means in. the eyes of the Black community that I, ~ Shouldn1 t people be able t o organiz_e . themse,l ves? Blacks should be . given this right. ,.  :·~~: about inferiority are being reinforced. .• take care of business", etc. Whites are iN.na.rt", the "brains" behind everything. ~ i How do Bla cks rela te to other Blacks as su ch? ' How do we react I 'i ' I . ;, . ·to Willie Mays as against Mickey Mantle? ~ . .; I· .. . . ... ,, 1 i· What is our response to Mays hitting a home-run against Mantle performing t he same deed? Is our interest in baseball ordered by our appreciation of t he ar tis try of the game, or is it ordered by .the participation of Neg roes in · ,,. · · Baseball? One has to come to the conclusion t hat it is be caus e of ·· . ..1 .... ·i.,, - . -~ • .., _; i .... .. . Black pc3;rticipatiori in baseball. .. .,. , , ' .; : : Negroes still i de ntify with the Dodger.s . because of Jackie Robinson 1 s efforts with the Dodge r s. Negro es ~ "J ... .... would i n s tinctively champion all- Black t e.:im s if t h ey opposed all- .. white o r p r edom i nate_ly white t e a ms. The same p rinciple operates 'I for the Move ~ e 11t as it does fo r baseb all: a mystique must be created whereby Negroes can identify with the Movement. Thus an all-Black project is needed in order for the people • themselves. ,. •' ' I I I , This has to exist from the beginning. what can be called "coalition politics". ' ~ i I to h:.a·e • ' This relates to ' There is no doubt in our · minds that sane whites a;i:e just as disgusted with this system as .. ·J we are. • But it is meaningless to talk 'about coalition if the r e is no . one to align ou'rs ·e lves• ·with, because of the lack o! organi:i.a~ion i n • t · \. the white communities. there can be no ·talk -of "hookingcoupj' unless I �~ · ~ ~ ~ ~ : ;':-143.215.248.55 15:44, 29 December 2017 (EST)J.-.-,l~ ·'1' .. \' ....... r . •.. .. ' ,. ·.~ '.. ··" l - .---, ·· ' ' -"'1"1 . 1f • - ~- . ... -- -·, ,- ~ ~ ..~-~~ :.:...~- .:- -- Black people organize Blacks and white people organize whites. ·i -I .l: .:l1 :. are going in the same direction- talks about exchange of personnel, · 1. J 1'·~ coalition, and other m .eaningful alliances can be discussed. ., 'i-J . .i: ·· ·f. ! whereby we thought that our problems revolved around the right to I . ' In the beginning of the Move·m ent; ~e had fallen into a trap . ' '· ·1· eat at certain lunch counters or the right to vote, dr to organize . '· ':t. t \ ·-·'· 1•·. I•. .- If these conditions are met, then perhaps at some later date- and ii we · J: . ' r .i• ,~ ) ,· , . - - ------ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -..-.'""."'1..._- - - "' ..- - - - - - ---- --.----.-.. -....'-~~- communities. . . deeper. ... ' ; .... ct.ir.: have seen, however, that the problem is much The probietn of this country, as we had seeh it, concerned i \ . I j' ,· :·· , I . : ., ) w~ ollr ' old Blacks and old whi~es (and therefore) if decisions were left . to 't~~ young people, theh solutions would be arrived at. negates the history of Black people and whites. . j But this We have dealt I stringently with the proble ili of "Uncle Tom·", but we have not yet . 'gotten ~round to .Simon Legree. . f ?- real vil~ian? ' We ·must ask ourslves who is the ,.- . ·, .. 1 . • ~ Uncle Tom or Si~on Legree? Everybody knows Uncle T6m, but who knows Simon Legree? I 1 So \k.rhat we have now (in SNCC) is i i ~ closed so~iety. A clique. . · Black people cannot relate t,.:, SNCC, because of its unrealis tic, non racial atmosphere; denying their experiences of America as a racist society. In contrast, SCLC has a staff that at least maintains a Black facade. The front office is virtually all-Black, but nobody accuses SCLC of being 'racist". ...,~' . If we are to procee d towards t r ue liberation, we must cut ourselves off from white people ••• We must form our own institutions, credit 1,.. •• . -~. unions, co-ops, political parties,· write our ,own histories. Dne illustrating·.· example, is the SNOC "Freedom Primer". Blacks cannot relate to that book psychologi.,,ally~ because white people wrote it and, therefore it pre~ents a white viewpoint. _ · To proceed f~rther, let us make some comparisons_ be tween the .,/ l !.' �, ... . --· · ~! -~. . _ : -·-= ' ,... . ...- -~ .• ··~ ·-:,, - .. --r - - .. - . ., ·- ·- • •.. I : -~• •, .. ... -. ,..-.,,. ... -.. ,.., n,•.-: ·~,'";"r,,"W1':•~~•-~ • ..-,1~• ~ - - - -.............=-:c!!=~-- ·· ··:--..:.-:-:- ~ • ) -:..:. -, ' i " -- •• - .- ..: -,·.·· . ····- ·---. - - . - I =··-·- ·= ===== _..- :_:_- -::. :~: : - ~:..-=.. . Black Movement of the ( early) 1900 1 s and the Movement of the 1960 1 s --- the NAACP with SNCC. Whites subverted the Niagra . I -~ Movement whichr at the outset, was an all-Black Movement. i . The • I' 1·.. . t :-: -. . name of the new organization was also very revealing, in that it il;.. 4 .__ - ,1:•,..-~ : presupposed that Blacks have to be advanced to the level of whites. We are now aware that the NAACp has grown reactionary, is controlled by the power-structure itself, and stands as one of the •.main roadblocks to black freedom. .,. SNCC, by allowing the whites to remain i in the organizati~n, can have its ·efforts subverted in the same manner; I· . [ i.e., through having '·them play important roles such as community . ! I~_;~· .. .; I ' I · organizers, etc., · Indigenous leadership cannot be built with whites in O • i . .... ' · i ·..-; it ·:, .. . .J/· _:: ' ·.. the positions ·they now hold. These £acts do not mean that whites cannot help. ....;J,. . . ,i::) icipate on a voluntary basis. .i They can part- We can contract work out to them, but [ ( : ( "', . :, in no way can they participate on-a policy-making level • The cha_rge may be made that we are "racists", · but whites who ~ ' •1 . ·.', -r•. I'. ... ' . -, !. t • '.. . . our own destiny. J If persons insist on remaining because of their ..;·' ,,:r .. longevity, or because they have feelings that we are indebted to them. } -~-. ~, are sensitive to our problems will realize that we must determine • 4 ' r We, as Black people, must re-cv:aluate our history, our ideas of I ., self, the world, Africa and her contributions to mankind. We must take the credit for our contributions to this society _and to the ·, • '<' world. Credit will be given to white people where it is due, but · surely our contributions must .be given credit. I These. myths ( of inferiority and "savager~ ) must be broken by,' Black people, so . . . ' that no mistake can be. made about who is accomplishing what for whom. This is one way to ·break the myths. ' As to the charge of "Black racism", as against white supremacy: . ·; we can say .that the racial makeup of any organization does .not a:nake_ it racist, i.e., , supreme court makeup of all white judges, Black �• ... ., ~ '.; ~~·· ---·..... ... -; . ~- .. . .. : ..:: -, Et-: . - ......,..,-:- -.-..~~- . - - ;: . ·" -- .. ·. :··· · · ... ~ l _ _,;, --,.;-~ ... .,. T -~- .:.. ) .· .,i churches and Black businesses being all Black. The naming of the n_ewapaper, "Nitty-Gi-itty", which ae_rvcd to polarize the feel- ' l, . ings of race, illustrated in a very graphic manner the attitudes that whites have towards cultural aspects of our society. •, The whites were opposed to the name and Blac-ks were affirmative on the issue. ... .; The alternative was the 11 surely such a name could not speak to the needs of grass-roots Black peopl e • Black people can say to the "Nitty-Gritty": I can see mrself there. Can .say to Mays hitting a home run: I see _m yself there. ; Can say t~ the Atlanta Proj ect: . ,, ~. I see myself there f "i .. · , ~ ·: • ' .·r . . l ' i ·, • '· .I ' • • I-~ J . . ··. cl ' ....,.. A tla'xita Voi c e" ".., , • • . . •,' l . ~ ~ i it . -: .. J.~;. i ~ . ~ '. ' · i . f ·, • . .~ ., f. ' ,\ i ' ."" I .' ! 'l , ., • :· I .. . . ,, . . ... . ' ·,, ·'\ ·_ : . . , , •, ,.,·· . ·'·' F\:tc:·.·•. ::.·-. . . < .: ' ,· .- i• • t . ... ( . :f . . , • ~ ... . .. . l·,, . .. ! ': ~ I , . •"J. •. i.- .. ·.i . I·,,_ , ., . .'•I ....·· .. : . .· ,. ·. I. . / I 1 ·'I ,.! ' ' .; '! .: ,: • •\ I• I ..,,..·. /' . . . ..... . :_n ' . .~ ....'·[" ... i ' . .• •. \ I . ~ I .! ,., l • f I, •. .. ~ .., . . i: ,· I ,• ·t /I . ::; .. . 1 I I l . ~ . .··:_.; . ~ ,' • • .• ' .1. I • I ,,, \ ••·• ~ .· .. �....11 ... ... ~ •• ,:_. • .. .. - -.: -· • ··- • 1 ... .. j ·--~~,- .:·:·: ·· ........ ·-:-- --::-: . ,· . ~-.. . • - .· -:- - • - . - -~ --~ • • • • - - --- - • t' ' ~ . • •. .;. • - .·,-,. - .. .... ' , . --; ,_- -:· . .. '.~ · - - - ~ --;. - . ~h_............. ~------"=·-~,...._..,,--:===-e-'..;,,.·,;.,-·~ - -~·,-======~-:-."'·--lki= =.'·r---e---·:.!..!:L- ~~-:::.---·.:=·=-~:~-~  :::: ' =====:::==:::========-=========l One point I would lik~ to f:'r.'it,:1.::.;:.l s is the failure on the .. part o-.f conscious whites ancl Rlae, 1;;., :~n cleRling with the j ... J ' 'J American reality in terms of differences. J 'i _1 ·•' ; .~ ~ to emphasize t~e analysis of the differences bet~een Black and .. . 1 / : 1 .. , ' •: ., < We are beginning white people. There has been an escap~st attitude on the pa~t of SNCC .j T , ,· ; of )143.215.248.55ing at the problem as if race did not matter. --~~,.. -:,..,~ This negates the special history of Black people in this country, 1·. . ·. .':.. .-_mainly the slavery period and the inhumRn forms of segregat- · · ion we have been forced to su~fer. ~nether important point is that most Blacks and whites tend to view ~lacks in the light of _the my-th e that the power s true ture has ore a ted and perpetrated in this country. Black people are considered as "citizens" along the same lines as white people in this count- ry, when in reality, Black people are a semi-colonialized people, victims ·o r a domestic colonialism. .. ,. •. .,, Our introduction· into this country occured during the same time as the partition of Africa and Asia by the European powers, so that the American ins.t i tut ion of · slav.ery was, too , _ a form of , I, I ·-1· . Western Colonialism. . ,,'1· ~~1 ;'!- ·', ' i": \ Therefore Black people in this country ., ,( .•I . l afift in the same way as ao other colonial p~i;:.ples to their environment and experience, but the myths of America labels . _· j ,j n ', them citizens which is an unreal attitude. Also, one of the main blocks in terms of Black self- / recognition antl self-identification in this c9untry has been I interference f~om the dominant white society. '. . From the 1900's to the priesent time Afro-Amer-ican writers and thinlcers have had to contend with the encroachment . of white intellectuals upon 'l:;heil" culture arid . upon ·~;heir thou 6 hts. t·ot ·o·nly cH:d the white inte11ectua1s .·encroaoh upon their thought and culture �:~: . . ! .,, . ·...... _ · .. _ . . . ··-~ r-i:- -..:· . ·- - t~; .... .,._ ~ . .;:a--_-7:"-::·: --<- . ·, . . . - ·- -: - · . - , - -· · ·· - ·. - · r.,:~""' ~ -· ;~- - -· ..,• ·- - _ b-ub· they- l>rought . -· ., - bacl_-cground . .. - .:· -· . ' . • '., If • :"· ....._.,. ' . .. . ~""'-. ·- .!:'. . .~t. - --. • • - ,,,.. .... - ·- · .--.-,..,..'.:.icc:..::"..:==.: ·..:.: ,::;~--.ll ~ · ·.. ·=: - ============::;;;;:: ==·= to it t-heir -whole American ~ of racism and paternalism so that Black culture was potrayed as something being base, second-r~te or below the culture of the United States, which was consi<'lered ."serious" ' or "real 11 • music. ' / -~~· . :- This music which is rooted in the whole experience of .our people in this country was not even named by Black ... •' ( One grap_hic example of this is modern Afro_;, American .. r ·p eople. Modern Afro-American music is named II jazz", which .,. ;- . ;i . ; .. ._ I  :f _. ; : . ' ,r 't I (r. ~ is a term that is derived from white · American society. It is w~{te ~iang to~ sexual intercourse; so that otir musid ~hich ,, j mo.y- be called the maii1stram of our culture ·was l<'.lolced upon ~-) i' .? ! • ·I . " as being :base and second~r at a or dirty and containing aen- .1 sousness, sexuality a nd other exoticisms. II : ! l: .j .' . i.; -. •' J'. 1J :./ ,: -: . .., ~ ~~ '• j • .' ., r This however says mo~e about the white American psyche than it does about aspects of Afro - American culture. • One of the c~!ticisms of wh i t e mili t a nts and radicals is that when we ~iew the masses of white people we view the ov~rall reali ty of Americ a , we view the racis~, the b i gotry , a.nd the dis tortion of pe r s onal i t y, we view .man's inhumanity t o man; we view in reality 180 million r ac is t s. white int ol~c tual and rad i c al The sepsit i ve who is figh t ing to bring · about change is c onscious . of t his f act, but does no t have ,_:i ... _; t he courage to admit this. Whe n. he admi ts this reality, t he n he must also admit his invol veme nt bec aµse -he is a par.t / of the colle c t1ve white Amer ic a. ,, I t is onl,Y t o t he extent that he recognizes this that he will be able to change this _reality. Another concern is how does· the white radical view the Black Community and .how does he view the_ poor white community in terms of' organizing. So far, we have found that most white r-ad-lcals have sought · to escape· the horrible reality of' America by going ===~1 �-··~t~~,: 1Wf: :r:.:.•~~i,•,l~,,.f~ - - -----------------------------"""""'.'~: ~; 1:j .· .:. ;_ ·- ; . . ·-->--··' ' .-r.::-~ ~ ~ =====-=====-=====1 '::• I~ .;4 ,- ~--. · · 0!, - . .. . . _ , _ _ ., ... - ·. ... ,.,.. :: ' ., 7'?:>'·- . . -- ~ : ~-... _ ; . ~:-. , -l . • - ,, . .. .. .- - :-- .. . . ..• .. . ···· ····- - .• . , ,- ·-- 7 - · , , . ·-: - - - - .. ·- - _ _ ____ .. ., ~ ._ ·- - · - - ~ " " ' ~ , • . , , - - --- \· ,.. .· ·. ·--- ·.--- ·-·· · •"'.°'. -·~. . " . , . -~-l. f.., . . . ·· ··-·· ·· · · ' • . - ·into the Black Com~unity and attempting to organize Black .people while neglecting the o~g~nlzation of their pwn ..' • . •: . ' , people's racist communities. '. ·r . , •·· • - :-- r 1 Eaving to move aside and letting this natural process of growth and development ta~:Cing ~ '. place must l:>e faced. These views should not be equated with outside influence or outside agitation hut should be -view~d · as the natural process of growth and . development within a ·movement; so that the move by the Black militants iri iSNCC in this direction should be viewed as a turn towards s elf-dete rmina t i on. I t i s very ironic and curiouE how ~·ar e whi t e s in this c ount_ry c an champion anti - coloni ali sm in othe r countries in _. Af rica, As i a , a nd Lat in Ame r i c a , but when Black people move • t J V r .i' ., ·, f :I f towards simila r goals of s elf- det e_rmina tion ;1n thi~ country ,, they are viewed· as· racists a nd anti-white by these same pro1 gressive whites. In proceeding further, · i~ can be said that this attitude - de~ives from-the overall point of view of the white .psyche · as 'it ; concerna the black people~ · This attitude ·· ·stems · 'troni- the EH'~ of the slave ·revolts· ·when every- white ·: man y • ' I , 1•, \ •' ' • ~ \ ,: •., / ' / t , -., ~ • t~ ,. I . ·, , ~ . . ~ ', '. • i , •:',I ' I • �·. ... ..._. ,_ .. . l~..gi.}_'"'.""-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _l.) ·,~--~ ~~ i .-:.m£\1~~. . ! 't-,j•, . ~ .. ~ . •. • ' - ~ i:; ., ,;! •. ~ .... ··- -:. - - .,:: . · ·, -~ , .. . , ... - ..... .. : - :;: J .. ~ • • t . ' ': •' I-~·' • • i- ~ !: ·-.-~ • . . - - ~: -- .·;·, .. ___ ._.,....._-- ·ir_•• '!""t,. •, ..: - ~~..,..,..~ - ..~·""'==-""'-~-.',-, ...,..., . _,.,.,.___,.....,,,,,=·.,,,;·====·= - ~.........::--~-:...t_....· ~ . ·. ·,,·, 1. . · .- -...... ·;- -.. -~.... ~ _•,:_...:.:., ....._~~·- ..-:. .. ,...,,..,_ ~ ========== ============-! = · = ) -~ was a potential deputy o~ sheriff or guArdian of the State ~ ..-.. .. ·, t . .. ': ; .:. . . ~ i . .. Because wh~n Black people ~ot toget her among themselves to work • out the~r problems, it be6ame a threat to white pe~ple, becau~e . such meetings were _potentiat slave revolts~ . 'l .. .l .: ·,.·· -: ..' • • l • ,, i -,:.: ' ·-· :.', · . .!F ~. -~ I 1.1 ~ . 1 • . ~ •• " ~~ ed that this attitude or way 'of thinkirtg has 'perpetuated itself· to this current pe~iod and that it is part of the psyche of . ~- . white people in this country whatever their political per- I -~ . It uan be maintain- . . . . ' :, suasion might be. ~ .. It is part 6~ the white fear-gui~t com- -~. . plex -.1·esult-ing from the slave revolts. There have be'en -: { . i . .. . examples of whiteR who stated that they can oeal with black 1 ,· ,· ,! . - . J j l I I, , . . ~ I fellows on an individual b~sis but become threatened· or . '. • ,: • , < , . men·a oed by the presence of groups of Blacks.. . 1. ' , , . i}' . . I t can be main- te.1.ned that this attitude is held by the majority of progress- I ive ~bites in this country. It is a very grave error to mis t ake Blac!t se1.f'-asse r t :ic::o. £or racism or Black supremacy. Black people in th i s count r y .· more so than th~ colonial people~ .of the world know wha~ it ,J, means to be ~ictims of racism, bigotry, and s lave ry. ..•: Real- '· i zing our predictame nt f rom these inhuman a tt itud es i t would be r idiculous for us to turn around and perpet~ate the same reacti onary outlook on other people. We mor e than anyone else realize the i mportanc e of achie ving the type of society, . the type of world whereby people can be viewed as human be·ings. The means of reaching these goals must be, h9wever, from the .! point of view of respecting the differences~etween peoples a I and cultures and not pretending that everyone· is the s ame and the refusal to respect differences is one of the reasons that · ·,1 .I : . ,.I t he w9rld is exploding today~ Also expa nding upon t he ni ffer- .. �:._: rt . · · I r-;-- ._. i • ~~ .; ..~?.!'-:~·t·~-~-·"-'· ·-·. '·,:!"!.- ... i' l ;;_'{, '.,~f :-:":--:"··,,;:~· "I . .:..,.) - • .. . r;;;,,e- - ••• - ' ., ·· i~_,,, .....,, . ·· -~.;:i •. ·- ' ' - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -. --.--. ___.... ___ - --~ - -~ -~---~ --~ .-~... ' ,.-~ - . ... .... ··- :_ .•- . .... .. .. • ...... . ' .; . " ; . ~...... ........ .... . . - . . •• • _ .. ~;2;,,.:.. ::;- ...U - ·- · · ' - ·- ·t . . perpetuating the myth of white ·supremacy. "' . "i;," .. ~ -......-·' '-:=":'=~~ .,.; .. ~,··.~ .. . · -.::::·~~...~ ': ;.. r.::::, ~· .;.. .. "intcgt-atic,n 1!._.0d .pr-ogress then one is really •. ..-- - ·-if one·· 'i~~\u,~- ~ b, - - ·- - One is s:3-ying that Blacks have nothing to contribute, and should be willing . . ! to assimilate into the mainstream of Great white civilization, ., I j . . ~ . \ · f .;1 ·. ·-· ., '• I 1 ' ~ ·, ! ii••! I ., !•. I ·' A through re•examination must be made by hladk people concerning the ' contributions that we have made in shaping If this re•examination and re-evalttation is not this .country. { i•l i.e. the west. made, and Black people are not given their proper due and -;.. r i . respect, then the antagbnisms and contradictions a~e going to become more and more glaring, more and more intense until a ·:: national explosion may resu~t. ~ '..; ·1r . .,l When people attempt to move from these conclusions it ' l .,:·!. ·t f . , would be faulty reasoning to say they are · ordered by racism, ';: i: l r, C .· .•.: • • ·.·..: \'· : .. l: ··~ . j !. \j; ~·?: I ,. i ·. ( , 1 . ' , I i • •. ~ ' We all know the ha.voe that this has created through - The r~ fore any re-evaluation that we must make will, for . ; i people. this country. L ' · ·. ioned as a type of white nationalism whe n dealing with Black out the world and particularly among non-white people i n ! . ,' because, in this country and in the west, Racism has· funct • . .. ·I the mos t part, deal with identifica tion. Who a r e Black people; wha t are Black pe ople; what is their relationship ., r - •. r . to America and the World? ·.1 ' i ·. , It must be repe a t ed that t he whole myth . of "Negro CitizenI ship"~ perpetuated by the Hhite Power Elite, ,has confused the j ' ·t ' , • • t .. ... l l I 1 1 thinking of radical and progressive blacks and whites in this country. The broad masses of Black people react to American Society in the same manner as colonial peoples react to t he . v west in Africa, and Latin American, and have the same r elationship - ·that or . the oolonized towards.· the colonizer. ·, - -·- . ... . -~- .. ...:.. ,: . .. .. . ; . .- .- �rr:,. •t,!lli$,Z -~ t y;f.af " •.,.:·i~~4,_______________________________~o::- ••.. ,•• ~.- - :" ':' ·:,; ·,::1 ": . - .. . . ~ ... ·-· -·· ····-.... . ... i .,. , ? i ·! ,.. , ,• .. . -.. - - - - - · t:""" ·..-;: ... --")J·."'P"r'-• -. .'....,;=~----...;,....-, '.. :.· _.··.·.··.·.::. .~,.,,;.,,,,,,,..,,i= -:: -·· ·___·':,,>:-;. . ·_'-.- -·.·,. . ~ ,!!!:!C - ' l ·· _ - • . .. . .. ...... . . , - - .,.-. - ... , - _:.,... : · ±"== . -::=-c~~=·::--, • .,;-.-,: _ . •,.---:;'.:.~ .~ in . .....~ . , ,1. ,, ·· : --: - · -: . " i: -· .,. . · ·~=--:===~=----··- =-===========:::::: '.-:.!;,! ,:'...:::..:;:_·.;: ;.:, ,- . ,_._ _ - - - ---- - - •- · - an attempt tb resolve an internal crises that it' now .c onf~ ·~tin~ SNCC, the B1A.ck-nhi ta issue ( which is .· ; •~ i ~ t caui;inc: eruptions that e.rr: S'3riously hamp0rinr our strur;p:le ' · . for self- dotorm.ination) MUst now be dealt with. In an analysis of our history in . this country, we have ·..,. been forced to come to the conclusion that 400 years of .. · oppression and slavery suffered in this country by our Black forebears parallels in a very r,raphic way tho opprossion and colonization suffered by the African people. 'lhe questions can be rightfully asked, v,hat part did tho white colonizers ! ·. '- 4' ·j· . . play .in the liberation· of independent .'\.frican Nations; who . ' I • were the . ar;i-tators for .'\.frican independence? . /mswers . · to those . , .. · questions c.o mpel us to believe that our strurGle for .liberat- i• . • . ·j . 1' . ,. . ion ~nd self- determknation cen o~lr be c~rried out effect- .. ively by Black people. ' ' 'Ibo necessity o} dealinr, with the question of identity • 1 'I : is of prime importance in our own strn ~r:le. •J destruction of our links to Afric'a, the cultu ral cut-off of I The . systematic ' . ·~;• J Blacks in this country from Blacks in Africa are not situat-.. ·! . ions that conscious Black people in this country are willing to accept. , Nor are conscious Black people in this country ,. •, ·, 1 !· ,. I wil~inG to accept an ~ducational system· that teaches all ~ _, ~ · aspec ts of western civilization and dismisses our Afro- ! \·. I i ~ . • ' ,. ·.. ·e • ' ./ I ' American contribution with one week of inadequate information. (Necro History Week) and deals with _nfrica not at all. Black I people are net willini to align themselves with a western culture ·that daily emasculates our beauty, our pride and our _ ' .i I manhood.. It follows that white people boin~ part of western i ! .· civicization in a way .that Black people ~ould never be are I • 1 ·: .~· ! totally indequate ,to . deal with Black identity which is' key '! .v ~ ·:=· I. ·!. ~ • ' ,, . ... :_ ~.-:::·T . .-'. ~- ~ ~ ~~ .· I . l" l : ~ .. �~........J.::~.-t: ..-:.:. .'j ,~ ,.,, i,~~.-~._1,;ii!-i, _ _;.,__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ •_ _ _ _ __, , . . . . , _ ~ ~ - -- - - - - - -.......~-~ 143.215.248.55- .. .. ·-.. -~.-:-: ~ . i..' . :,.· - . .. .... j • · .. ... . J . ·~ ~ \ .r · - - · ~· - . ,. · ~ -.i-::-:,,_._. __ _.z" · - ·: -. ; · : - - - _· ,·,_r,_ __, ··· ..., .. . . .. - - -· - -~ - ~ ! . ., ": - · ·• . :.::~ ~ "; ~ ---r--·--· ...... "===-==============-== - -.'.-= .. '--'-'" - ' =- :_,.-!;-_-: .:.... to our strur~le for s~lf-deternination. ' . ~ · ··-- ·-· . \'lhen it _c omes to the question of or:-anizing Black people., · 1 · 'L .., . J, _; i ,; / . ... ·; we nrust insist that the people wl10 come in cpntact with the . 11lack masses .,re not white people who, no matter what their - . .. • '.. . . liberal leaninr.;s ere, are not equipped to dispel the myths of western superiority,. ·. ~ ~-.. ' i .. I · . !; . .. .; . I . • j .:: ~ ..: ·. V/hite people only serve to perpetuate ~ .· '. these myths; rather, orranizing must he done by Black people •I\ ~- : . . ·_are able to see the beauty of themselves, are able to see the . · :. important cultural contributions of 11.fro-.~ mericans, are able ' I' , • . to s~e that this country was built upon the blood and backs of a ~ ., ,, ' '•- ; . our Black anc'.ls tors. "-· -~ L. .. .~. ~ .. -'· ·: that our or":aniza tion · ( SNCC) should he BlacJ staffed, Black ·r : . ..:·: ;i· controlled l< e/ , ·-;:), ,. · :· j :;( ,· ·. f ' . ·, .: :f :·._·.. :. ! '•' ,...,. . . "i • - . -:, ;1 ' :.~ • 's ._JI: . In an attempt to find a .solution to ou~~ilema, we propose . --~ . •• ' • .: ' · end Biack financed. We do not want to fall into a similar dilema that other Civil Ri.ri:h ts or .r:,aniza tions. have fallen .. . · If we continue ta r3ly·upon ~hi to financinl support we will · find ourselves wntviined in the tentacles of the \~1hite power complex that controls this country. It . is also important that a Black or~a~ization '( devoid of cultis~ · ) be projected to our I: _1 ,,  !f people so that it cen be demonstrated that srich orranizations .' J are viable. More and more we see Black people in this country being used as a. tool of the white liberal establishment. ii .. I.; I Liberal whit es have not bep.:un to address themselves to the real problems I '.· of Bleck people .in this co .. ntry; witness th eir bewilderment, 1 fear and anxiety Wh'3n Nationalism_ is mentioned concerning Black people. An analysis of th~ir (white liberal) reaction to the · word alone (Nationalism) re~eals a very meanin~ful attitude of whites or any ideolorical persuasion towards ~lacks in this ~- ,. .: ,· ..~ ' t' : ..:· .- ::; .:. ' country •. . · i _t me~ns, t _h at previous so11.• tions to ;Black :problems • • •.: ., •· ·.-...!.- · ..:..:...: . ·: . ' ·f .·. __ . ..... _; .. -.;_~ .. I �.... of those whites ) not in the best interest's of .: dealin(", with t;hooo problems · : Black peopla in this · country hnve beon made in the interests of ·: . .. . ;;' . ,:: ·.;' : '._ those whites dealinr; with those problems and not in the. best · inter~stof Black people in this coPntry. i . ., .. -~ '"/hi tes can only sub- .. .:. vert our true search and strur:rle for self-determination, self- f :. :. l i : ', ·: · r .:· identification, and liberation in this country. R0_-evaluation of the white and Black roles nrust NOW take place so that whites ' no longer designate roles that Black people play but rather BlAck people define white people's roles. . ·•·' To ionr, have we allowed white people to interprr.tt the importance and meaniri~ of the cultural aspects of_ .our society, . ' ' I . 1 ·: '., . : :'. . . I have allowed. them to tell us what was p:obd a'bou t our .\ fro- · -: · ~·ie '. ·~<.- .- ; . ' l::,·. : .,· ·. ·. · ,'.: American nrusic·, art and literature. . :i, : ... . ·:· ~-.. . ·. . ~ ' ,:~,,,! . 1. . , I ~ • .. we have on the , ·J :;,,·, ~-! I _'\ '. . . ! ..\ of the Black psyche ( except in the oppressor's role) ·. . . interpret the meaning of the Blues to ' · ·. ! .• < us who are manifestations of the son,:;s themse1V'3s? I . ', _., How can a white person who is not jazz" sc!'lne? It nrust also be pointed out that on wha.tever level of con- ,, ~. ' 1 tact that "1lacks and v1hites .come to r,ethor, that meetinG .or•r--,n- > I,!. . I ,I li ·:;:_:. ·..  :,•• ' I :-' L ,. i. .~ I '.: ! :. .1l . l ~ . I '\ whites is a reinforcoment of the myth of vrhite supremacy • .Vlhite~ nre · th,:i ones who must try to raise themselves to oµr humanistic I , ne are not, after all, the ones wh9 are responsible . for a ~enoci da l war in Vietnam; we are not the ones who are ' l I; ' ,. I responsible for Neo-Colonialism in Africa and Latin ~merica; 'it• '• This only means that our everyday contac t with / ., '. level of whites. level. ·i ' frontation in not on the level of the Blacks but always on the ,., t ;. I .' • .• . we are not the ones who held a people in animalistic bonda~e . . · over 400 years • . ,_, we raj ect , t~~ A~eric_an Dz,ean as d_efined : by whi ta people • - ~ • • I J /. I a part • ,· 1··· II How many Black critics do _.,._ . '" •• ~ .-1 .' , ... "·-=-·· ,. _ •, :: • . :. _ ~J ·~:: ~ I • ·i '_ ~ .. : • �.. r.:. .·- l ••'i .....,, ' ·~ .S:_ :·~~-·-· ·:. ,. ) , - ,, ') ,. and must work to construct. , .u ~;, 111orican real1 ty· de.fined ·,. / by A.fro-A:".l'ler.j .~~l:".'.s(I • ' .') ' - ' ·• ' • •• • ,: I . . ···-- . ... ., .. ·:· , ': ·. .. ~ , · ·' i .. ·: ' •.,1. : '.: - ... j· ... .. •: .·. ': .. . '.~ ·. '•, , .' ... ,. ·- ·.,. 1• . . • 1· .· . .·. , ' ','- · ' ..; ., I. !' t .. ,, ': ·.\" •' . .:·~~ . • • \· .. f ~ \. . f. ,. ' .' , ...; f -:, .. , ./,• .- t"' ~'. {, _, ((: ·· .; .... . ' . . ;· .. ., -~- .. .~. .: t ·' .' I' ... ) '•< ' .' ..... '•, .l _. ,,, '• ·' ' ;. .'l ... _. , \. - t ... ..:.!'"·· . ·.,\, ' ,; .; . ~- :: .r ' f .i -1q l ., , •• . ,, t •' .. ~ l i: ' 1 l •i )r :• j t l ... ' I • • \. . ~ ~ ·: ' ... I.  ; ,· ;.; . .: • , ~ J ..),i . r ·'! ,r,: ,:ri .: .. [Ii: • I ~.,.•.·, ..... f· ~ , :'.: -. . , ,i I l ' . ,{'\• '! " I ' I I I, \' I I / ...... ., r- 1 ..' . .J. j{ .·, l [ ' ... ' .. . . •·' ' .- . • ,•:· . . ~ ~ i ·\ ., .·"..i-' .· .~ ~ ., . ~ :~ .~.. : -...... . i l. '-~: u ~ i l .' It �
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 3

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_003.pdf
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  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 3
  • Text: OTIS CHANDLER PUBLISHER Los Angeles Ti dimes no acknowledgment necessary
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 9

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_009.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
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  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 9
  • Text: bi \ (( ROY WILKINS, Chairman ARNOLD ARONSON, Secretary eee E R Ss [Al ] Pp 7 JOSEPH L. RAUH, JR., Counsel F ER 5 N Cc E \ CLARENCE M. MITCHELL, Legislative Chairman Oo N MARVIN CAPLAN, Director Washington Office c I Vi L R l GS Hi TS \t J. FRANCIS POHLHAUS, Special Consultant YVONNE PRICE, Executive Assistant 2027 Mass. Ave., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 phone 667-1780 ® New York address: 20 West 40th St., New York 10018, phone BRyant 9-1400 THE LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE- ON CIVIL RIGHTS: WHAT IT IS AND DOES It Speaks For Millions In the last 17 years the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights has become a unique spokesman: the voice for 112 national organizations when they join to- gether to urge new civil rights laws upon Congress and when they press for strong enforcement of existing laws. The Conference is a coalition of major civil rights, labor, religious, civic and fraternal groups whose strength lies in its unity. “When the Conference comes out in support of a pending bill or urges a course of action upon the government, it speaks on behalf of millions of Americans of all races, creeds, religions, and ethnic groups and from all walks of life. Its Purpose In its statement of purpose, the Conference de- clares itself as "a voluntary, nonpartisan association of autonomous national organizations seeking to advance “Cooperation in the Common Cause of Civil Rights for All” Sa) PARTICIPATING ORGANIZATIONS AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL ZION CHURCH ALPHA KAPPA ALPHA SORORITY, INC. ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC. AMALGAMATED CLOTHING WORKERS OF AMERICA AMALGAMATED MEAT CUTTERS & BUTCHER WORKMEN AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION AMERICAN ETHICAL UNION AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR— CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATIONS AMERICAN FEDERATION OF STATE COUNTY & MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS AMERICAN NEWSPAPER GUILD AMERICAN VETERANS COMMITTEE AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE OF B'NAI B’RITH A. PHILIP RANDOLPH INSTITUTE BISHOP’S COMMITTEE FOR THE SPANISH SPEAKING B‘NAL B’RITH WOMEN BROTHERHOOD OF SLEEPING CAR PORTERS CHRISTIAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH CHURCH OF THE BRETHREN - BRETHREN SERVICE COMMISSION CHURCH WOMEN UNITED CITIZENS LOBBY FOR FREEDOM & FAIR PLAY COLLEGE YCS NATIONAL STAFF CONGRESS OF RACIAL EQUALITY DELTA SIGMA THETA SORORITY EPISCOPAL CHURCH — DIVISION OF CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP EPISCOPAL SOCIETY FOR CULTURAL AND RACIAL UNITY : FRANCISCAN JURISDICTION OF THE THIRD ORDER OF ST. FRANCIS FRONTIERS INTERNATIONAL HADASSAH - HOTEL AND RESTAURANT EMPLOYEES AND BARTENDERS INTERNATIONAL UNION IMPROVED BENEVOLENT & PROTECTIVE ORDER OF ELKS OF THE WORLD INDUSTRIAL UNION DEPARTMENT — AFL-CIO INTERNATIONAL LADIES GARMENT WORKERS’ UNION GF AMERICA INTERNATIONAL UNION OF ELECTRICAL RADIO & MACHINE WORKERS JOTA PHI LAMBDA SORORITY, INC. JAPANESE AMERICAN CITIZENS LEAGUE JEWISH LABOR COMMITTEE JEWISH WAR VETERANS LABOR ZIONIST ORGANIZATION OF AMERICA LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY LUTHERAN CHURCH IN AMERICA— BOARD OF SOCIAL MINISTRY MEDICAL COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS NATIONAL ALLIANCE OF POSTAL & FEDERAL EMPLOYEES NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLLEGE WOMEN NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLORED WOMEN’S CLUBS, INC, NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF NEGRO BUSINESS & PROFESSIONAL WOMEN'S CLUBS, INC. NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REAL ESTATE BROKERS, INC, NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF SOCIAL WORKERS NATIONAL BAPTIST CONVENTION, U. S. A. NATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION . NATIONAL BEAUTY CULTURISTS' LEAGUE, INC. NATIONAL CATHGLIC CONFERENCE FOR INTERRACIAL JUSTICE NATIONAL CATHOLIC SOCIAL ACTION CONFERENCE QNAL COMMUNITY RELATIONS ADVISORY COUNCIL COUNCIL OF CATHOLIC MEN INCIL QF CATHOLIC WOMEN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES — COMMISSION ON RELIGION & RACE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF NEGRO WOMEN NATIOGNAL.COUNGIL OF PUERTO RICAN VOLUNTEERS, INC. NATIONAL COUNCIL OF SENIOR CITIZENS, INC. NATIONAL DENTAL ASSOCIATION NATIONAL FARMERS UNION NATIONAL FEDERATION OF CATHOLIC COLLEGE STUDENTS NATIONAL FEDERATION OF SETTLEMENTS & NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS NATIONSL FEDERATION OF TEMPLE SISTERHOODS NATIONAL. JEWISH WELFARE BOARD MEDICAL ASSOCIATION - NEWMAN STUDENT FEDERATION NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION ORGANIZATION FOR MEXICAN-AMERICAN SERVICES NATIGNAL ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN NATIONAL SHARECROPPERS FUND NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE NEGRO AMERICAN LABOR COUNCIL OMEGA FSI PHI FRATERNITY, INC, PH! BETA SIGMA FRATERNITY, INC. PH! DELTA KAPPA SORORITY PIONEER WOMEN, AMERICAN AFFAIRS PRESBYTERIAN INTERRACIAL COUNCIL RETAIL WHOLESALE & DEPARTMENT STORE UNION SOUTHERN BEAUTY CONGRESS, INC. SOUTHERN CHRISTIAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE IATIONAL NATIONAL NATIONAL NATIONAL NATIONAL - TEXTILE WORKERS UNION OF AMERICA TRANSPORT WORKERS UNION OF AMERICA UNION OF AMERICAN HEBREW CONGREGATIONS UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST ASSOCIATION — COMMISSION ON RELIGION & RACE UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST WOMEN'S FEDERATION UNITED AUTOMOBILE WORKERS OF AMERICA UNITED CHURCH OF CHRIST — COMMITTEE FOR RACIAL JUSTICE Now UNITED CHURCH OF CHRIST — COUNCIL FOR CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ACTION UNITED HEBREW TRADES UNITED PACKINGHOUSE, FOOD & ALLIED WORKERS UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH — COMMISSION ON RELIGION & RACE UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH — OFFICE OF CHURCH & SOCIETY UNITED RUBBER WORKERS ; UNITED STATES NATIONAL STUDENT ASSOCIATION UNITED STATES YOUTH COUNCIL UNITED STEELWORKERS OF AMERICA UNITED SYNAGOGUE OF AMERICA UNITED TRANSPORT SERVICE EMPLOYEES UNIVERSITY CHRISTIAN MOVEMENT WOMEN'S INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE FOR PEACE & FREEDOM WORKERS DEFENSE LEAGUE WORKMEN'S CIRCLE YOUNG WOMEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION OF THE USA ZETA PH! BETA SORORITY civil rights for all Americans through government action at the national level. By civil rights we mean not only the establishment and enforcement of rights in law, but also the realization of social and economic con- ditions in which alone the fulfillment of these rights is possible." How the Conference Began The Leadership Conference was formed in 1950 by national organizations whose leaders felt that while they often spoke and acted separately, there were many occasions when they could make a greater impact upon official Washington and the general public if they join- ed together in support of specific issues, The Conference merged two existing groups: the National Council for a Permanent FEPC, headed by Ae Philip Randolph, and the National Emergency Civil Rights Mobilization headed by Roy Wilkins and Arnold Aronson. All three men continue to play impor- tant roles in the Conference: Mr. Wilkins is Chairman, Mry Randolph is a member of the Executive Committee, and Mr. Aronson is Secretary. How the Conference Grew From the first, the Conference undertook to unite its groups behind specific civil rights bills. As it grew in numbers it grew in influence. The Conference has coordinated all the national campaigns for major civil rights bills. Its greatest successes were the series of civil rights laws passed by Congress since 1957. The most notable laws in this group were the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. But the Conference dces not work just to add laws to statute books. Its organizations know laws are worth little unless they are adequately enforced. It campaigns untiringly for adequate funds to keep existing programs going and for adequate enforcement. How the Conference Operates The Conference functions through three main Committees: the Executive Committee which sets policy for the organization; the Legislative Committee, under the Chairmanship of Giaeene sMegeRstl: which plans strategy for pending bills; and the Committee on Com- pliance and Enforcement, under James Hamilton of the National Council of Churches, which works to see that the laws are administered strongly and effectively. How the Conference Keeps Its Groups Informed The Conference tries to keep in constant touch with its organizations. It sends them regular MEMOs that set forth the immediate legislative situation and suggest what groups can do to help mobilize support for a bill or a course of action. It publishes analyses of bills, pamphlets, papers on what still needs to be done to achieve full equality. Not Civil Rights Alone Over the years the Conference has broadened its concerns. It realizes that the fight for full equality and the War on Poverty are interconnected. In ad- dition to campaigning for civil rights bills it has also worked for passage of an adequate minimum wage law,; for reapportioned state legislatures so that they repre- sent more truly all the people ina state; for broad educational opportunity; for adequate food distribution to the country's poor; for home rule for the District of Columbia; for school desegregation. These are only a few of its campaigns. The Conference remains today firm in its belief that pro- gress in civil rights is the concern of every American, not the interest of any one group. It believes, in Roy Wilkins’ words, that "we are all tied together" and that the future for America must be an integrated future; a nation in which all men and women share equally in its burdens and its benefits. Its motto is still: “Cooperation in the Common Cause of Civil Rights for All"
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 5

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_005.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 5
  • Text: eee eS eae a.a.aaaQaQLY!£, eee eee eeeeeeEEeeeeEeEeEeEerreerereeeerrmrereee June 19, 1968 Mr. Frank Roughton Institute of Communicative Arts of the Methodist Church 1279 Oxford Road, N. E. Atlanta, Georgia 30306 Dear Mr. Roughton: I have received from Mayor Ivan Allen your letter addressed to him of June 17th regarding your suggestion for a symphonic drama on the struggle of the Negroin America, with construction for same of an amphitheatre, as a memorial to Dr, Martin Luther King, Jr. This has been brought to my attention in my capacity as chairman of our Aldermanic King Memorial Committee, At the outset, I would like to express appreciation for your interest in this matter and to tell you that I feel your idea is most appropriate and would be extremely meaningful. Actually, one of Mrs. King's suggestions for incorporation in the memorial we are planning was along this line. As you have probably learned from the various news media, our committee - and subsequently the Board of Aldermen - has taken a position supporting a living, productive memorial as in contrast to something like a statue or a street naming; and we have called on the federal government to assist in the development of a national memorial with several working facilities in the area of Dr. King's birthplace and mother church around Auburn Avenue and Boulevard. We also have an ordinance before our Zoning Committee referred to it by the Board of Aldermen at its meeting Monday which would call for designation of this area ae an "historic district", which is our first step in order to preserve the character of some of the neighborhood and to protect it from other developments until we are in a position to make actual acquisition. It is my opinion that in the near future we will probably work ee, Orr Mr. Frank Roughton aBx June 19, 1968 toward the establishment of a prestige national board of trustees, as suggested by Mrs. King, which board would probably have the responsibility of deciding on specific facilities to be incorporated in the development. At the next meeting of our committee I will bring your communication to their attention and will keep you advised as to our progress. Sincerely, Sam a SMJr:ad ce: Mrs. Martin Luther King, Jr. The Hon. Ivan Allen, Jr. Sl (Attn: Mr. Dan Sweat) Faeeeeeee rarer erence eee eee eee ee ee aT EL a ee a
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021

Box 9, Folder 23, Document 16

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_009_023_016.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 9, Folder 23, Document 16
  • Text: THE WHITE HOUSE CONFERENCE ‘'TO FULFILL THESE RIGHTS" 1800 G Street, N. W. Washington, D. C. Tel: 737-9010 NOTICE The enclosed Report of the White House Conference "To Fulfill These Rights" is being distributed to all who were invited to the Conference, Members of Congress, news media, private and Federal Government agencies. Additional copies of the Report may be purchased for $1.25 per copy from the Superintendent of Documents, United States Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 20402. An order for additional copies must be accompanied by a check or money order payable to the Superintendent of Documents.
  • Tags: Box 9, Box 9 Folder 23, Folder topic: Civil Rights | 1966-1968
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: April 29, 2021