199 20 10383 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/05d44083328c4d69634f94bdef125147.pdf e72fe2af52ed518b91301441da8f8d51 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. 21252 CON GRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE number of them could be brought home Sr., who Yves In Atlanta., was h eard to ask: "What do they want? The mayor ca.zne down. without weakening Europe 's defenses. ' It Is long p ast t ime t hat Europ eans make He tried to speak to them and they wouldn't a larger con tribution to their own d efense. listen. Wha t do they want?" It was a good question, but hard to answer. F urthermore, excessive American troop commitments to Europe a.re very costly in For m ost of the members of the mob may not have known themselves what they tax dollars and in dollar exchange. I t is one of the main causes for the con- wan t ed- unless it was an excuse to throw tinuing unfavorab le balance of p aymen ts rocks and rant about police b rutality. The m ayor says the riot was deliberately which p ermits for eign governments, such as France, to build h uge dollac cla ims against caused by som e of S tokely Carmichael's SNOC henchmen, and h e may be right. For the t h e United States. Dramatizing the n eed to bring pUbstantlal mob began shout ing Nk.ill the white oops" numbers of our troops h ome from Europe 1s after SNCC r epresentatives, a ccording to the latest drop in our gold st ocks of $116,- t h e p olice, spread th e false word that the 000,000 in J uly, the b iggest monthly d ecrease susp ected car thief " h ad b een shot while h a ndcuffed a nd that he was murd ered." in mor e than a year. Whatever m ay h ave been the case with the As often has been the case, Fra nce was t he b iggest purchaser of United States gold , con- , rioters, it seems clear that whait the SNCC people want is trouble, trou ble, trouble. verting about $98,000,000 of its dollar claims An d th.at is wh at they are going to get , into gold. t hough not in the form they wa nt , if t hls Mr . SYMINGTON. I also ask unani- sor t of madness keeps u p. m ous consent tha t an editorial published in t h e New York Daily News of September 8, 1966, entitled "Guest Editortal" with respect to t h e actions of General de G aulle, be printed in the RECORD a t this point. Ther e being no objection, the editorial was ordered to tbe printed in the R ECORD, as follows : / DOUGLAS B OOK RECEIVES RAVE REVIEWS Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, the distinguished senior Senator from Illinois, S enator Doum.As, not only has the m ost t horough economic background of any m an in this body, he also has t h e GUEST EDITORIAL m arvelous gift of being able to convey h is B y Senator STUART SYMINGTON, Dem ocrat, vast store of wisdom to his colleagues in of Missouri, d uring Senate d ebate Tuesday the Sena te as well as the public at large. on a proposal to reduce U.S. forces in West Despite a hectic S ena te schedule a nd E urope: "Paper gold we have been pr inting In in- the in creasing pressures of a major recreasing quan tities for a great many yea.rs. election campaign he h as found the time At the same time, t MSe European countries to wr ite a compreh ensive and scholarly our troqps con tinue to protect have been work on trade, tariffs, and the balance of q uietly c&llecting our real gold . . . If we sit payments. Furthermore, this book, b ack and d o n o thing, and Gen. de Gaulle continues his political and econ omic on- "Ame1ica in the Marlcet Place," has been slau ghts against thls country, he could place greeted with virtually unanimous accla im. Let we quote a. representative In Jeopardy the integrity of the d ollar." commen t from the New York Times review writ ten by economist Robert RIOTING lli ATLANTA Lekachman: Mr. ELLENDER. Mr. President, I ask Thia admirably-- written exposition of unanimous consent to h ave printed in America's p lace in the world economy effecthe R ECORD an editorial entitled "Rioting tively m ingles lucid exposition, person al exin Atlanta," published in the Washington perience and policy prescript ion. I have seen Evening Star of Thursday, September 8, n o clearer accou n t o! the reasoning that 1966. underlies the traditional attachment of T here being no objection, the editorial Anglo-Saxon economists to tree trade . •• was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Not only is the book given top grades as follows : by the academic community, but it h as RIOTING IN .ATLANI'A won the important . accolade of being The most surprising thing a.bout the riot completely relevant to the debate carried in Atlanta la that it should have happened on in the Nation's newspapers and m agathere. For Atlanta, b y general agreement , zines over the im portant economic issues has been a model for southern olties in it.fl of t he day. For example, the Wall Street race relations. Mayor Ivan Allen Jr. has walked the last J ournal, in an editortal, cites the book in mile in search of racla.l peace. He had almost a rguing a gainst certain types of internasolid Negro support when elected. He was tional commodity agreemen ts as a means one of the few southerners to testify In sup- of promoting the economies of widerport of the 1964 civil r ights bill. He has developed nations. added Negroes to the police force. Atlanta's Senator DouGLAS' book stands as a schools and city faclllties are totally integrated. Many Negroes are employed by busi- tribute to t he brilliance and industry of ness establishments and the cit y has sent one of the finest ligh ts of the Senate. eight Negroes to the state legislature. To find time among one's Senate duties All of this counted for nothing, however, to write a major book is rare.• To find when e. suspect.ed Negro car thief was the energy to create a work that has both wounded while trying to escape from arresting police officers. When some 500 or more popular and academic appeal while Negroes took to the street.a the mayor maintaining Senator DOUGLAS' high climbed on top of a.n automobile an4 tried standard of Senate activity ls rarer still, to reason with them.. He was shouted down. My hat goes off to my good friend ft'om Taunt.a of "white devil" and "black power Illinois. greeted him. F'ln.ally the mob surged Mr. President, I ask unanimous conarounct the car and the ma.yor was j a.rroo loose from his perch and fell to the street. sent that the New York Times book reNo, this didn't happen In a Birmingham view and the Wall Street Jouma.l edior a Selma. It ha.ppened In Atlante.. Little torlal be inserted in the RECORD at this wonder that the Rev. Martin Luther King point. .. September 9, 1966 There being no objection, the review and editorial we1·e ordered to be prtnted in the R ECORD, as follows: [From t he Wall Str eet Journal, Aug. 8, 1966] R EVIEW AND OUTLOOK: THE RoAD TO DEVELOPMENT Despite the many billions of dollars o! a id from the U.S. and other nations, the econom ies of the world's less developed countries are growing more slowly than ln the 1950s . The a u thority for t h at discouraging assessm ent is Paul Prebisch, secretary-general or the United Nations Conferen ce on Trade and E ven more d iscouraging, Development. h owever , are some of his organization's proposed attacks on the problem. Under the UN group's plan , more of the exports of d eveloping count ries woU!d be brought under international commodit y agreements, of the sort t h at now covers coffee. Moreover, p oor er n a tions would get preferent ial treatment for t heir export.s even wh ile they were ,increasing tariffs against goods f rom the richer countries. Superficially, t his program may seem to have some app eal ; a t least the less advanced. n ations would be t r ying to lift themselves mainly throu gh · t rade in stead o! endless grants and loans. Yet as Senator Pe.Ul H . Douglas indica t es in a new book, " Amer ica in the Market Place," It's question ab le wh ether t h is comlilnatlon of price-fixing and p rotectionism is really the b est approach to the poorer nations' problem. Thou gh the commodity agreem en ts supposedly are aimed only a t "stablllzlng" m arkets, t he Senator n otes that their true goal usu ally h as b een t o push prices upward . Wh ile increased profits on a product such as coffee, f or example, may be of some general benefl t to t he economy of the producing n a tion , In the p ast they have chiefly aided a r a ther sm all group of wealth y plan ters and traders. F urth ermore, coffee consumpt ion d oes not n ormally rise with Income, so a price b oost 1s a relatively greater burden on lower-income consumers. Sen a.tor DouaLAS commen ts: " What a price incr ease of this t ype d oes, therefore, 1s to C{>mpel t he p oor an d those of moderate m eans in t h e United Stat es and oth er consuming countries to s u bsidize, among others, the r lch planters In the producing countries ." The su bsidy, though., may be shortlived, since the prlce-pegglng p acts are pron e to eventual !allure. In t h e case of coffee, the Sen ator says, it's d ou btful that the African countries will lon g b e satisfied with their allot ted 22% o! t he market . If they withdraw and start exporting more, the produ cing nations may wind up worse off than they were b efore the cartel was set u p . For our part, we find the plan to discrtmlnate against import.a from lndustrial countries equ ally u nen couruging. The obvious aim is to develop more manufactu ring in the less advanced lands. Unfortunately, where this approach bas been and is being tried, the poorer nations have tended too often to waste their scarce resources on uneconomic steel mills and other "prestige" projects-meanwhile d enying their people t he chance to buy m uch cheaper manu factured goods from more advanced countries. A more promising effort of Mr. Preblsch's group is its campaign to reduce or eliminate tariff barriers among less developed countries. Perhaps the p oorer nations would begin to see the many-sided benefits or broader free trade if some of the industrial countries would cfo more to open their markets to goods from abroad. I! the less advanced nations really intend to speed their development, though, they need to make changes in internal as well as external policies. For one thing, many of them need to place more stress on private �Sept em ber 9, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE w e obtain as m a.ny pleas of guilt y a.ccomp aruied by a confession or adm!S61on as we did withOUJt such additional evidence. or the 222 d ef endants who had either court or jury trta.ls 85 % were found guilt y. Of thooe found guilty there were one-third who had made an admission or confession. Admissions were present in 45 of those guilty verdic,l;s and 1n only two of these matters w ere t he a.dm.!ssions excluded because of Dorado . T h e trial d eputies ind1ca.te that In only t hree of those cases where t h ey obtained a guilty verdict did they f eel thalt the admission was essen t ial. in ord er to ob tain such conviction. There were no court or jury acquit tals in whioh a confession w as adm.ltted. There were n o acquitta.Ls in any case wh er e there was a confession even thou gh on e conf ession w as e xcluded b ecause of Dorado. Ther e were four acquittals in cases where an adm1,smon, was excluded but there were also seven acquittals wherein adm:isslons were admitted. Again b eca,use of the limited samp le a nd the limited nature of the questionnaire it would be difficult to arrive at any significant conclusion except to ventuTe t he view tha t Dorado la not p rooenting a d1fflcult problem in the prosecution of current cases. If there is any further ln!forma.tion or explanations of these figures th.at you d esire, please let me know. (Copies: Evelle J . Younger, DistriCft Attorn ey; Harold Ackerman , Chief Deput y District Attorney.) WORK SHEETS : CONFESSIONS AN D ADMISSIONS EFFECT OF DORADO COMPLAINT STAGE (a ) Total d efenda n ts, 616 . ( b) Defend ants no confession or adm.lsslon, 367. (c) D efendants confession or admission, 249. (d) Compla in ts Issued-no confession or admission, 236. (e ) Complaints issu ed---<:onfesslon or admission admissibl e , 202. (1 ) Sufficient evidence wit hout confession or admission to s ustain conviction, 149 . ( 2 ) Insufficient evid ence without confession or admission to sustain conviction, 53. (f) Total rejections, 178. (g) Rejectio11&-insufflcient evidence without confession or admission and confession or admission inadmissible, 2. (1) Dora.do ,1 2. (2) Dela y, O. (3 ) Invo luntary, O. (4 ) Other, O. (h) Coniesslon or admission admissible, r ej ection for other reason , 45. (1) Rejection-no confession or admlsslon, 131. PRELIMINAJ\Y STAGE Total d efend ants, 363. Defendants n o confession or admission, 165. Defenda.Dts confession or admission, 198. Confession or admission introduced and received, 139. Confession or admission introduced and not received, 2 . ( 1) Dorado, o. (2) Delay, 0. (3) Involunwy, O. (4) Other, 2. Confession or admission n ot Introduced, 52. (1) Dorado, o. (2) Delay, 1. (3) Involuntary, o. (4) Other,O 61. 1 One of t hese is not completely certainlnfonnatlon sheei Incomplete. 0 Most not mtroduced 11 not needed to hold defendant to a.nswer-ofll.ce tlme ea.vlng policy at prellmlnary level. No. 162--4 Conf essio n or admission and plea of guilty, 4. Confession or admission a.nd di5Dl.!ssal f or r efiling, 1. 21251 man and Fred Guliex) are 1n prison , one serving a 20-year m aximum, the oth er ser ving W e. J ULY 14, 1966. TRIAL STAGE ( I ) Total d efendants, 318. T otal pleas of guilty, 96. (1 ) Accompa nied b y a.dmission, 18. (2) Accompanied b y confession, 31. (3) Unaccom panied by eXJtrajud ical s tatem en ts, 47. T otal d isp ositions of guilt y, no confessions or a dmlssions invo lved , 126. T otal confessions, 49 . T otal a dmissions, 74. Court or Jury d isp osition of gui1t y accomp a nied b y admission, 45. (1) Elfec t of adm.lsslon on guilty disposit ion: S u rpl u sage, l; enhance, 36; essential, 3; u nknown, 3. (2 ) Guilty disposition accompa nied b y admission exclu ded b y Dorado, 2. Court or jury d1sposition of guilt y accom panied by confession, 18. ( 1) Effect of confession on guilty disposit ion : Sw·p lusage, O; enhance, 12; essential, 3. (2 ) Guilty accom p a nied b y confession, exclud ed because of no i ntelligent wa.iver , 1. (3 ) G u llty accomp a nied by confession exclu ded by Dorado, 1. (4 ) Guil ty accompa nied by confession excluded b y Ara n d a, 1. TRIAL S (2 ) Cour t or Jury d1sposl t!on of n ot gullty, no confessions or admissions, 22. Cou rt or jury d1s posltlon of not guilty accompa nied by admission, 11. Cow,t or jury d1sposlt!on of not guil ty acc omp anied b y admission admitted, 7. Court or jury disposi tion of n ot guilt y accompanied by admission exclu ded, 4 . (1) Reason for exclu s ion: Ara nda, 2; unknown, 2 . Court or Jury dispos ition of not guilty acoom p anied b y confession or confession admitted, o. Total con f ession s excl uded , 3. (1 ) Dorado, 1. (2) Ara nda , 1. (3 ) No intelligent wa iver , 1. (4 ) Effect or'·exclusion on d isp osition : diff erent r esult, O; no effect , 3. Total admissions exclu ded , 6. (1) Dorado, 2. (2) Aran da, 2. (3 ) Unknown, 2 . (4) Effect of exclusion on dispos ition : different r esult, 4 (Arand a and unknown) ; no effect, 2 (Dorado) ; unknown, O. [ENCLOSURE 3 ) STATEMENT BY D ISTRICT A TTORNEY EvELLE J , YOUNGER IN RE : DAN CLIFTON RoBINSON We h a ve n ow tried the murderer of Lewis Grego t hree times. Grego waa shot by conf essed-murderer Dan Clifton Rob inson In a r obbery on F ebruary 8, 1962, e.t t h e Fox ~ lls Oount ry Club. The first tria l, Rob inson was convicted and sentenced to d eath. The supreme Cou rt revel'sed b ecau se of an error 1n i nstructing the jury that Willie Hickman, a co-defendant, who did not appeal and ls serving a life sentence, was an a.ccompllce. Again, Robinson waa tried and this time, the jury gave him life. H e app ealed and the D istrict Court of Appeals reversed b ecause the police did not advise him of his rights before he confessed. This time, the District Attorney was forced to go to trie.I without the confession and t he jury acquitted him . The confession was voluntary and admissible under the law as lt ,then exJsted. The defendant now go es tree because the law was changed after the crime. The resUlt ifs a by-product of the Supreme Court's tendency to change t h e ground rules and apply the new rule retroact ively. Ironically, Robinson, who was the trigger man, now ts free. His two accompllces (Willie Warner Hiek- TROOP R EDUCTION IN E UROPE M r. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent tha,t two constructive editorials from n ewspapers in m y S tate, one of S eptember 3, 1966, from t he St. Louis Post-Dispa tch entitled "A For ce Cut in Europe?" and t he o ther from the S t . Louis Globe D emocrat of S eptem ber 8, 1966, entitled " Cut U .S . Forces in Europe" be printed in the R ECORD at t his point. There being no object ion, the edit orials were ordered to be printed in the R ECORD, a.s follows: [From the St . Louis Post-Dispa tch, Sep t. 3 , 1966) A F ORCE CUT IN EUROPE? The White House h as said " No" to Sen a tor MANSFIELD'S proposal f or a Senate r esolution f a voring a "s ubstantia.J. redu ction" of United States f orces in E urop e. But it said s o in a r ather f a int voice, and we h ope t he Senate will not b e d iss uaded from exp r essing i t s ow n opinion on the question. I t has long been clear t liat su ch a r ed u c t ion could b e m.ade wit hout ser iou s impa ir m ent of Europ ea n security. The b en efits, bot h t o our b alance of payments and to the ca.use of detente wit h t he Soviet Union, would be grea t. The R u ssians might b e encouraged to withdra w som e of their own troops from East ern Europe, a nd further steps toward est a blishing a n ew security r el ationship migh t follow. The Presid en t does not always s eek t he " advice a nd consen t" of t he Senate on for eign p ollcy initiatives, but in this case he migh t we ll find a troop-redu ct ion resolution a u seful wa rrant for d oing what h e m a y s ome d a y w a nt to d o withou t taking full r esponslblllt y h imself. The f acts t h at Sen ator MANSFIELD h as the su pport of 13 m embers of t he Se n ate's Democratic pollcy committee , and tha t he has taken care to consult Chairman R USSELL of the Armed Services Committee and R epubllcan Leader DIRKSEN, argue that mor e is involved than t h e pers onal d isposition of a Senator who h ns l ong q uestion ed t h e n eed for maintaining s u ch a lru·ge military establishment in Europe. In any case the Mansfield propos al deserves a symp athetic r eception. At a time when Europe itself acknowledges no need to meet its original NATO troop commitments, wh en the conditions that gave r ise to t h ose commitments h a ve sharply cha.nged, and when we are a.re spending far more dollars a broad than we a re earning, it d oes n ot make sense to go on su p porting 400,000 troops and n early a milllon of their dependents in Europ e. Even If t he Administration ls not r eady t o say so, there ls no r eason why the Senate should not. (From the St. Louis Globe Democrat , Sept. 8, 1966 ] CUT U.S. F ORCES IN EUROPE The United States troop commitment to Eu.rope is muoh too heavy in light of Europe's dram.a.tic recovery and renewed capabllity t o take ove1· the greater pa.rt of its own defen s e. The commitment, made 16 years ago, la woefully outdated . It should be substantially reduced as recommended by 13 Democratic Senators. Un d er vastly changed conditions of today there is no reason to maintain some 4-00,000 to 450,000 American troops and their 1,000.000 dependent.a In Europe. A substan t ial �September 9, 1966 21255 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE point In h er early visits t o J apan a nd India. She was n ot only a radiant rebel , adm!red :for her cha.rm and d isarming m odesty, but also a p r a ct!cal ldeallst whose contribution will be r eal ized by f u ture g ener a tions. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IN ATLANTA Mr. TALMADGE. Mr . Presiden t, all responsible and t hlnk.lng Geor giansa nd I am proud to say they constitute an overwhelmlng majority of the people of my State--were shocked this week by the r acial not that erupted in Atlanta last Tuesday. I t was an appalling display of the same brand of lawlessness we have witnessed on many occasions in recent months in a number of cities throughout the Nation . It was the kind of mob violence which can only result in chaos unless steps are taken to restore respect for law and or der. And, just as in other places where racial agitation and disorder have resulted in rioting, the Atlanta riot can be laid at the feet of irresponsible leaders who have gone abou t the country, preachlng disrespect for authority and ~lling m obs into the streets, with no other purpose than t.o create strj.fe and disorder. I am truly sorry that Atlan ta, whose record for peaceful and sensible race relations ls second t.o no other large metropolitan area in the country, has been made a victim of rioting and disgraceful chants of "black power." However, I am pleased to note that because of positive and responsible leadership on the part of the m ayor and the city police, as well as that of respected members of the Negr o community, the 11ot was quelled and handled overall in a most commendable manner. There appeared in the September 7 edition of the Atlanta Constitution an excellent column by Edit.or Eugene Patterson, giving an account of the rioting and the courageous and firm part of Mayor Ivan Allen and responsible Negr o leaders in dispersing the rioters. There also appeared fine edit.orlals In the Atlanta Journal and the Washlngt.on Evening Star commending Mayor Allen and rightly placing the blame for the disorder where it belongs. I ask 'ID'lanlmous consent that Mr. Patterson's column and the editorials be printed in the R ECORD. There being no objection th e material was. ordered to be printed in the R ECORD , as follows : [From the At la n ta (Ga.) Constitu tion, Sept. 7, 1966) A D AY To F ORGET (By Euge ne P a tterson) A f ume o f tea r gas still stung the eye occaslonally. I t made I van Allen look as 1f h e had been weeping. The mayor stood In a pool of glass :fragments In the middle of Capitol Avenue with his shoulders slumped wearily. A police ca.r with blue light flasbing passed on one side of him, and a Grady Hospital ambulance with a red light passed on the other. He lifted his reddened eyes to the porches and looked a.t the Negro men, women and children whose rights he had long :fought :for at the risk o:f his own polit1caJ U:fe. They looked back at him. On the upstairs balcony o1. a bleak apartment house-":four rooms, w1ll redecorate, f59 .60"- a girl or a.bout 16 perked and shook lilly In a silent d a nce. "They d on 't know," Ma.yor Allen sa,!d gently. "They j ust don't know ." But the SNCC leaders knew. Wben Stok ely Carmichael's crowd finally got a police shooting to play wit h , they stirred up th06C men , women and children as s killfully as white d emagogues used to get a ni ght ride going. Like t h e old white mobs, the rock -throwing Negroes d idn't h a ve a very clear Idea what h ad hold of t h em Tuesday. Demagogues had h old of them . SNCC was In char ge. SNCC com es in on a scen e of t rouble like a n ambula nce . But n ot to h ea l any fractures. It h ad b een a lon g, chilly s ummer In the Vine Ci ty slum. SNCC's sou n d trucks h ad failed to stir riots. Ma ybe Vin e City r esid en ts got toughened to the black power d emagoguery and Immune to it. Here, alm ost in t h e shadow or Atla n ta's n ew stadium, was a fresh n eighborhood with a b uilt-In Incident. And here was SNCC. As Allen sa id, the p eople just didn't know. But SNCC did. T o say pa.st white injustices to Negroes was fair provocation for what the b lack p ower zealots did to Atlanta Tuesday ls about like justifying white bombers and burners on grounds some Negroes are cr1m1nal . The major understood wh a t was going on. even while the Negro rock throwers who liter ally t hreatened his 11:fe did n ot. He gave them their target. He walked In the open down the middle of the street while som e policemen were taking cover behind an armored ca r under the hall o:f stones. His oourage was remarked b y every tough cop present. H e acted like a man who didn't wa n t to b e s a fe if his cit y wasn't. ALMOST-BUT N OT QU ITE For a wb'Ue lt looked as if the m a yor might pull it off. He waded !nto1;h e middle of the riotous crowd a t Ca pitol and Onn.ond (you go p ast the stadium on Oapitol, and a.cr05S G eorgia, and across Lit tle and Love-that's right, Love---a nd there's Ormond) a.nd tried to lead t hem out to the s tadium . They :followed him !or a block. The n SNCC got hold o! t h e thing again, yelli ng black power . They wer en "t gonna. go to any white man 's stadium. Pretty soon they had the c:rowd b ack a.t Ormond and Cla.pitol. Allen got up on a pollce car and tried to talk to them. Demagogues knew what to do a.bout t h a t. They r ocked the ca.r violently until he was aha.ken off it. Encircled and shoved, he simply bored d eeper Into the black crowd, d em anding order, exhorting peace. R ocks flew. Windshields and windows criu;hed in. Police cars had their glasaes Slllll8h ed. A white worn.a.n's car was hlt: she paused a t the ·stadium parking lot to s hake the giass out o:f h er h.alr. P eople were getting hurt. Wblle Allen stood between them, N~oes threw r ocks and policem en fl.red into the a.Ir. T ear gas fi n a lly broke that one up. The police r an out of tear gas. But they stood on t h e street corners with their gas guns at the ready and n obody knew they were emp ty until n ew supplies came. Pollcemen are alwa ys targets in mobs Uk e these. The ·strain showed in t h eir faces and you coul dn't blame them. Shotguns, p istols, gas guns, b111ies--the tense brandishing of s o much hardware was Im.posing. They had seen too man y cars smashed , too much anger, to be easy. They were as tight as colled s prlnge, look ing all a.bout . Ther e In the middle of them, unarmed and unrattled, was Mayor Allen. "I wish I could slow t.b.a.t guy d own," said Cap t. George Royall, his police aide a.nd bodyguard, splinting u p Little S treet. The mayor had suddenly walked up there to 1ns1st tha.t a crowd or :ftegroes dlsperee and go to their homes. The crowd m oved slowly . Two policemen were assigned to herd the crowd be.ck up t.b.a.t side street. They were white, though many of the policemen on the scene were Negro. The two white policemen had company. "This Is the Rev. Sam Willia.ms," Capt. R oyall told the p air of police men. "He ls going with you a nd he ls going to a.sk t he people to go to their h om es pea{)ef ully ." The Rev. Willia.ms did. A tough , smart NAACP militant, the B aptist minister and college professor had been figh t ~ for his people against wh ite oppres.sors all hls life and he d id n ot h esitate to gq to the scene Tuesday and fight against their being hurt by SNC C:. It took great courage. He went up the street with the p olicemen , command ing respect. Like Sam Williams, the Rev. Ma r t in Luther King Sr. was there, d eploring violence and la ying the b lame on those who Incited it. "We h a ve got to have la w," the old man said. "If I only h ad m y str ength, I would tell these people we have got to have l aw. Else we have no p rotect ion." "You 've got your strength, old fri end ," Ivan Allen said , taking his h a nd In the street. NEGRO L EADERS GA.ME Negro p oliticians like Q . V. Williamson and J ohn Hood were there, laboring to lead t heir peop le out of folly. Clergymen like the R ev. William Holmes Borders were there , and leaders like J esse Hill. The Negro l eader ship turned out to do what it could, just as staunchly as the white leadership used to do when the Klan mentalltles threa ten ed violence. B u t the viol ent and the disorderly always h ave an adva ntage In seizing l ead er ship of a, cr owd. They are unhampered by r esponsibll!ty and they h a ve emotion goIng :for t h em . Responsible lea ders, rationa l men, often look vulnerab le and even futile 1n such a setting. But they have t o go. Dusk was :falling. " Are y ou hurt? D id any of the rocks hit you?" Allen was ask ed in the lull. He looked at h1.s friend Sam Willia.ms there In the street and laughed. "Man," he kidded, " you know they can't throw any;thing as f ast as I can run . "I've got great periphe ral v ision. Bllnd to color, blind to class. I "ve got to be b lind , h a ven't I , Sa m?" The R ev. Willlams smil ed. "That's r ight," he sa!d quietly. The two strong m en, one white, one b lack, looked at each ot her for a second 1n the gathering night, then moved off to see 1:f they could calm and disp erse s om e more of the silent, s t.a.ring spectators. Walking along the center of the Ca p itol Avenue sidewalk, a tall , thin Negro man wearing a striped sport shirt and a wl6p of beard met a policeman and deliberately confronted him. head-on, refusing to yield room for him to pass. The p olicem.a.n h eld a shotgun at port arms and stood t here of a min ute. He Jer ked his thumb to the side but the Negro did not move. Blind h a tred contorted his !ace into a furious m a sk. The pollcem.a.n shrugged and walked on aroun d him. The thin goateed Negro walked on, mut tering, looking over his shoulder and h ating t he white ma.n with a passion that seem ed to be consuming him l ike some foul , fatal f ever . Shat tered glass l ay In t he street. Flicker Ing llghts glinted on the police guns. Night was :falling and the m ayor was t hinking about opening up the schoolhouse at the c or ner of Capitol and Little and inviting everybody in to talk Instead o! fight, bum , stone and shoot. It was almost as 1:f the m a yor , a.fter h alf a d ay of presenting his b ody in the street, was as Intent on wllling peace and a retu rn to n ormality 8ll he was In building up his forces of police to crush nny renewed disorder. In the ga thering d arkness, somebody said to the tired mayor, as h e stood there 1n the street, that h e ought t,o go on home and leave the night peril to h1B policemen and the people on the porches. �21256 September 9, 1966 CONGRESSION AL RECORD - SENATE " Listen," be snapped. " it anything 1s going to hap pen h ere tonight, it's going to happe n over me ." [From t he Washing ton (D.C.) Evenlng Star, Sept. 8 , 1966) RIOTING IN ATLANTA The most surprising thing about the riot in At lanta 1s that is should h ave happened t her e. For Atla n ta, by ge n eral agreement, b as b een a model for southern cities in its r ace rela tions. Mayor Iva n Allen J r. has walked the last mile 1n search of racial peace. He h a d a lmost solid Negro su p port when elected. He was one of the few sout h erners to testify in support of the 1964 civil rights bill. He h as a dded Negroes to the police force. Atla n ta's schools a nd city f acilities a.re tot ally integrated. Ma ny: Negroes are employed by b usiness establishments and t he cit y h as sent ei ght Negroes to the s tate legisla ture . All of this count ed f or not hing, however, when a suspected Negro car thief was wounded while t r ying to escape from a rresti ng police officers . When some 500 or more Negroes took to the streets the mayor climbed on t op of a n a utomobile a.nd tried to reason with them . He was shou ted down. T aunts of "whlte d evil" and "black power " greeted him. Finally the mob surged a round the car a.nd t he m ayor was Jarred loose from h is perch and fell to the street. No, t his dldn't h a ppen In a Birmingh a m or a Selma. I t h a ppened In At la nta. Little wonder t h a t the R ev. Martin Luther King Sr., who lives 1n Atlan ta, was h eard to ask: "What do they want? The m a yor came d own . He tried to speak to t h em and they would n't listen . What d o t h ey want? " It was a good question, but b ard to answer. For m ost o! the members of the m ob may not h ave known them selves wh a t they wanted-unless It was an excuse to throw r ocks and rant a bout police brutallty. T he m a yor says the riot was d eliberately ca u sed by some ot Stokely Carmichael's SNCC h enchmen, a.nd be may be r ight. For the mob b egan sh ou ting " kill t h e white cops" after SNCC representatives, according t o t h e police, spread the f alse- word tha t the suspect ed car thief "had b een s hot while h andcuffed and that he was m urdered ." Wha tever m ay h ave been the case with the rioters, it seems clear that wh a t the SNCC peop le want 1s t rouble, trouble, trou ble. And that 1s what they ar e going to get, tho u gh n ot 1n the form t hey want, It thla sort of mad ness keeps up. Tuesda y night proved who was running the cit y, a nd it ls not t h e mob. It 1s Mayor Allen, and t he magnlficen t b acking given him by the police a nd by sane a nd r esponsible Negro leaders pulled us through this time. But it 1s too much to ex pect t h at Tuesday night l.s going to be the end of it. There are Irres ponsible whit e p eople, seek ers after public offic e included , as well as irresponsible promo ters of " black power" who find this sort of d anger ous idiocy h elpful. Cei-tainly we'll see otl1er a t tempts to pit r ace agai nst r ace, m a ke a smoking s.hambies of Atla n t a and set b ack or der ly progress f or yea rs to come. But the combination which pulled u s t h rough Tuesda y n ight ca.n d o i t again with t he h elp a nd the b acking o! the d ec ent, lawa bidlng citizens of all At la n t a , and run the inviters to riot ou t of town. This h as b een a week of crisis in Atlanta, with a good part o! the Fire Depa rtmen t on strike, a nd the police on extended duty. I t 's the sort of occasion which separates the wh eat a nd the chaff r a pidly, and m a kes us apprecia te the value of the kind or good citizens h ip shown by those who sta y on the Job when trouble com es. T hese are t he mayor, t h e police, t he loyal ists amon g t he firem en, a n d the Negro leaders who k ept t he fai th with t h eir ci ty a nd truly with their peop le. SCHOOL MILK PROGRAM SIGNIFICANT CHILD HEALTH MEASURE Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr . P residen t , fiscal 1967 appropria tions for m atemal and child welfare activities went from $187 million in fiscal 1966 to a House-appr oved figure of $228,900,000. This 1s a wh op ping increa.5e of almost $42 million. Every bit of this in crea.5e is n ecessary. Most of it would provide for an expansion of the program in accordance with the 1965 amen dments to the Social Secur ity Act. But it 1s significant that while we are providing an additional $41,900,000 for child welfare activities 1n fiscal 1967 we apparently can affor d to boost the special milk progr am for sch oolchildren by only $ 1 million fr om last year's appropriation level of $ 103 million to $104 million this year. Yet if ever a program were important -to t h e welfare of our [From the Atlant a (Ga.) Journ al, Sept . 7 , children, th e sch ool mllk program is. 1966) The milk program h elps most those W H O R UNS T HE CrrY? who can least afford to h elp themselves-Magn ificent work on the part of the police, t h e children from poor families living in the personal courage and leadership of Ma yor depressed areas and the slums of our NaI van Allen and the coopern.tl.on of responsi ble tion's cities. It helps t h em by providing Negro polltlcal and religious leaders kept At - a Federal payment toward t he cost of a - la nta out or murderous trouble Tuesday half-pint of milk once or twice a day, beevening. There was m a jor -trouble as i t was, In r e- tween meals. Of ten the local community sponse to an i nvitation to trouble promoted provides th e r emainder of the needed by SNOC and Its Irresponsible new leader, funds. Fw:thei:more the cost to the taxS tokely Carmichael, to protest a case of al - p ayer is minimal, because milk not purleged police brutality . chased under the program would probThere was rioting 1n the streets s01tth o! ably have to be bought and stored under the S tadium (wh ere a detachmen t of state the price support program at Gove1·np atrolmen stood by) , but the coalition of m ent expense. those d evoted to the welfa re of the city preAt least $110 million is n eeded for the vailed. May it con t inue to hold together and p revail for yea.rs to come. school milk program this year if last T he trouble followed the d emagogic pa t- year's 10 percent cut in the Federal r eimtern the coun try has now come to recognize bur sement rate is to be r estored. I insince this n o longer 1s one o! t hose p eculiar tend to fight bard for an additional $6 Southern problems. But the fa mlllarlty of the pattern d oes n ot million for the program 1n a. supplement al appropriation bill. I fully believe make It any less s hocking. Atlanta so far has maintaine d a repu tation that this program ls essential to the for law and or der , and the determina tion of health and welfare of our children as the the mayor t.o keep this repu tation could n ot maternal and child welfare program. I be more o bvious. inten d to see that it 1s properly funded. THE NEED F OR REGULATING THE WIDE-OPEN TR.AFFICKING OF F ffiEARMS IN INTERSTATE COMMERCE Mr. DODD. Mr . President, the records of this Congress include volumes of testimony on the need for regulating the wide- open t rafficking of firearms in int erstate commerce. ·· The bulk of t hose volumes are public hearings conducted by t h e Judiciary Subcommit tee on Juvenile Delinquency of wh ich I am chairman. The purpose pf th ose hearings was to determine whether or not there was a need for the Federal Government to strengthen its own gun laws, and if possible, to aid the several St ates in making t h eir statutes more enforceable. The resul ts of our inquiry, Sen a te bill 1592 is now awaiting the a ction of the J udiciary Com.m.ittee. I had hoped that the full Senate would have h ad the opportunity to vote on the measure before now, but the minority opposing any improvement in our gun laws bas succeeded in blocking Sen ate action,. . Th e gun lobby h as been most effective. Leading the opposition to a law that would thwart criminals, dr ug addicts and mental patients hell-bent on armin g themselves is the National Rifle Association , a tax-free group of some 750,000 members whose m ost r ecent slogan is "America needs m ore straight sbootters." In ea.5y- to-understand language a lobbyist is any person or group who seeks the passage or defea t of any legislation in the Con gress of the United States. However, though n ot a lobby under the law, the NRA's an tigun legislation philosophy 1s adopted and followed by registered lobbyists 8,lllong them, for instance, the gun industry. On August 14, 1966, on the Frank McG ee Repor t on the NBC Television Net work, an NRA spokesman described its nonlobbying activities of the NRA in this way : A teletype in t he legislative suite receives r eports f rom state capitals. Whenever a. state la wmaker introduces a gun control bill the informa tion is q uickly fed to this office . By " this office" the spokesmap meant t he upper r eaches of the m ulti- milliondollar national headquarters of the Nation al Rifle Association in downtown Washington , D.C. Mr. P r esident, at the conclusion of my r emarks, I would like th e text of the Frank McGee report printed in the CONGRESSIO NAL RECORD . The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. <See exhibit 1.) Mr. DODD. Mr. P resident, consistent with the nonlobby image it spends into the seven figures each year to pr oject, on Septem ber 1, 1966, the NRA shelled out almost $ 10,000 for full page ads in the Wasbin'gton Post and the New Yor k Times throwing its weight behind "enforceable measures to keep firearms from irresponsibles, incompetents, and ciiminals," amongst other things . The advertisemen t was discussed at some length in the September 9, 1966, � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 21252 number of them could be brought home without weakening Europe’s defenses.~ It is long past time that Europeans make a larger contribution to thelr own defense. _ Furthermore, excessive American troop commitments to Europe are very costly in tax dollars and in dollar exchange. It is one of the main causes for the con- tinuing unfavorable balance of payments which permits forelgn governments, such as France, to build huge dollar claims against the United States. Dramatizing the need to bring substantial numbers of our troops home from Europe is the latest drop in our gold stocks of $116,- 000,000 in July, the biggest monthly decrease in more than a year. As often has been the case, France was the biggest purchaser of United States gold, con- verting about $98,000,000 of its dollar claims into gold. Mr. SYMINGTON. I also ask unani- mous consent that an editorial published in the New York Daily News of Septem- ber 8, 1966, entitled “Guest Editorial” with respect to the actions of General de Gaulle, be printed in the Recorp at this point. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered tobe printed in the Recorp, as follows: ~~ GUEST EDITORIAL By Senator Stuart Symincron, Democrat, of Missouri, during Senate debate Tuesday on @ proposal to reduce U.S. forces in West Europe: “Paper gold we have been printing in in- creasing quantities for a great Many years. At the same time, these European countries our tr continue to protect have been quietly collecting our real gold .. . If we sit back and do nothing, and Gen. de Gaulle continues his political and economic on- Slaughts against this country, he could place in Jeopardy the integrity of the dollar.” RIOTING IN ATLANTA Mr. ELLENDER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an editorial entitled “Rioting in Atlanta,” published in the Washington Evening Star of Thursday, September 8, 1966. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, = follows: RIoTING Inn ATLANTA The most surprising thing about the riot in Atlanta is that if should have happened there. For Atlanta, by general agreement, has been a model for southern cities in ite race relations. Mayor Ivan Allen Jr, has walked the last mile in search of racial peace, He had almost solid Negro support when elected. He was one of the few southerners to testify in sup- port of the 1964 civil rights bill. He has added Negroes to the police force. Atlanta's schools and city facilities are totally inte- grated. Many Negroes are employed by busi- ness establishments and the city has sent eight ‘Negroes to the state legislature. : Al of this counted for nothing, however, ing pore officers. When some 500’ or more Negroes too to. the streets the mayor of an automobile and tried them. He was shouted down. hite devi” and “black power” DOUGLAS BOOK CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE Sr., who lives in Atlanta, was heard to ask: “What do they want? The mayor came down. He tried to speak to them and they wouldn't listen. What do they want?” It was a good question, but hard to answer. For most of the members of the mob may not have known themselves what they wanted—unless it was an excuse to throw rocks and rant about police brutality. The mayor says the riot was deliberately caused by some of Stokely Carmichael’s SNCC henchmen, and he may be right. For the mob began shouting “Kill the white cops” after SNCC representatives, according to the police, spread the false word that the suspected car thief “had been shot while handcuffed and that he was murdered.” Whatever may have been the case with the . Yloters, it seems clear that what the SNCC people want is trouble, trouble, trouble, And that is what they are going to get, though not in the form they want, if this sort of madness keeps up, RECEIVES RAVE REVIEWS Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, the distinguished senior Senator from Illi- nois, Senator Doucias, not only has the most thorough economic background of any man in this body, he also has the marvelous gift of being able to convey his vast store of wisdom to his colleagues in the Senate as well as the public at large. Despite a hectic Senate schedule and the increasing pressures of a major re- election campaign he has found the time to write a comprehensive and scholarly work on trade, tariffs, and the balance of payments. Furthermore, this book, “America in the Market Place,” has been greeted with virtually unanimous ac- claim. Let we quote a representative comment from the New York Times re- view written by economist Robert Lekachman: This admirably written exposition of America's place in the world economy effec- tively mingles lucid exposition, personal ex- perience and policy prescription, I have seen no clearer account of the reasoning that underlies the traditional attachment of Anglo-Saxon economists to free trade... Not only is the book given top grades by the academic community, but it has won the important accolade of being completely relevant to the debate carried on in the Nation's newspapers and maga- zines over the important economic issues oi the day. Journal, in an editorial, cites the book in arguing against certain types of interna- tional commodity agreements as a means of promoting the economies of under- developed nations. Senator Dovcias’ book stands as a tribute to the brilliance and industry of one of the finest lights of the Senate. To find time among one’s Senate duties to writé a major book is rare.. To find the energy to create a work that has both popular and academic appeal while maintaining Senator Doverass’ high standard of Senate activity is rarer still. My hat goes off fo my good friend from. Illinois. Mr. President, I a unanimous con- 7 te - ‘ia Tha For example, the Wall Street ae Ta September 9, 1966 There being no objection, the review and editorial were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [From the Wall Street Journal, Aug. 8, 1966] REVIEW AND OUTLOOK: THE Roap TO DEVELOPMENT Despite the many billions of dollars of aid from the U.S. and other nations, the econ- omies of the world’s less developed coun- tries are growing more slowly than in the 1950s, The authority for that discouraging assess- ment is Paul Prebisch, secretary-general of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Even more discouraging, however, are some of his organization's pro- posed attacks on the problem. Under the UN group's plan, more of the exports of developing countries would be brought under international commodity agreements, of the sort that now covers cof- fee. Moreover, poorer nations would get pref- erential treatment for their exports even while they were increasing tariffs against goods from the richer countries. Superficially, this program may seem to have some appeal; at least the less advanced nations would be trying to lift themselves mainly through trade instead of endless grants and loans. Yet as Senator Paul H. Douglas indicates in a new book, “America in the Market Place," it's questionable whether this combination of price-fixing and protectionism is really the best approach > to the poorer nations’ problem. Though the commodity agreements sup- ly are aimed only at “stabilizing” markets, the Senator notes that their true goal usually has been to push prices upward. While increased profits on a product such as coffee, for example, may be of some general benefit to the economy of the producing na- tion, in the past they have chiefly aided an rather small group of wealthy planters and traders. Furthermore, coffee consumption does not normally rise with income, so a price boost is a relatively greater burden on lower-in- come consumers. Senator Dovanas com ments: “What a price increase of this does, therefore, is to compel the poor ‘and those of moderate means in the United States and other consuming countries to subsidize, among others, the rich planters in the producing countries.” The subsidy, though, may be shortlived, ; since the price-pegging pacts are prone | to eventual failure. In the case of coffee, the Senator says, it's doubtful that the Af: countries will long be satisfied with their allotted 22% of the market, If they with- ws draw and start exporting more, the producing i nations may wind up worse off than they were before the cartel was set aRi | For our part, we find the plan to discrim- inate against imports irom industrial countries equally unencouraging, ‘The vious aim is to develop more manufacturing in the less adyanced lands. Unfortunately, where this approach has been and is being tried, the poorer nations haye tended too often to waste their scarce resources. on - projects—meanwhile denying their people | the chance to buy much cheaper 1 tured goods from more advanced cow! A more promising effort of Mr. Prebisch’s group is its campaign to reduce or tariff barriers among Jess. devel tries. Perhaps the | ) broader free trade if some of h ij countries would do more kets to goods from abroa », If the less ady eee external policies. For _ them Bee ene tore st eS As ‘ mi as 7 ? 07 ‘ Prd i nll A wed iv A En nal i ‘ a a + _s hie! eT iy, * ' September 9, 1966 we obtain as many pleas of guilty accom- panied by a confession or admission as we did without such additional evidence. Of the 222 defendants who had elther court or jury trials 85% were found guilty. Of those found guilty there were one-third who had made an admission or confession. Admissions were present in 45 of those guilty verdicts and in only two of these matters were the admissions excluded because of Dorado. The trial deputies indicate that in only three of those cases where they ob- tained a guilty verdict did they feel that the admission was essential in order to ob- tain such conviction. There were no court or jury acquittals in which a confession was admitted. There were no acquittals in any case where there was a confession even though one con- fession was excluded because of Dorado. There were four acquittals in cases where an admissiom was excluded but there were also seven acquittals wherein admissions were admitted. Again because of the limited sample and the limited nature of the questionnaire it would be difficult to arrive at any significant conclusion except to venture the view that Dorado is not presenting a difficult problem in the prosecution of current cases. If there is any further information or ex- Planations of these figures that you desire, please let me know. (Copies: Evelle J; Younger, District Attor- ney; Harold Ackerman, Chief Deputy Dis- trict Attorney.) Work SHEETS: CoNFESSIONS AND ADMISSIONS or Dorapo COMPLAINT STAGE (a) Total defendants, 616. (b) Defendants no confession or admis- sion, 367. (¢) Defendants confession or admission, 249. (d) Complaints issued—no confession or admission, 236. (e) Complaints issued—confession or ad- mission admissible, 202. (1) Sufficient evidence without confession or admission to sustain conviction, 149. (2) Insufficient evidence without confes- sion or admission to sustain conviction, 53. (1) Total rejections, 178. (g) Rejections—insufficient evidence with- out confession or admission and cop eeson or admission inadmissible, 2. (1) Dorado, 2. (2) Delay, 0. (3) Involuntary, 0. (4). Other, 0. (8) Confession or admission admissible, rejection for other reason, 45. (1) Rejection—no confession or admission, AB1. PRELIMINARY STAGE Total defendants, 363. Defendants no confession or admission, 165. Defendants confession or admission, 198. Confession or atimission introduced and received, 139. Confession or admission introduced and not received, 2. (1) Dorado, 0. (2) Delay, 0. (3) Inyoluniary, 0, (4) Other, 2. Confession or admission not introduced, 52. 2 Dorado, 0, 2) Delay, 1. (3 inyoluntary, 0. (4) Other,? 51. 1One of these ts not completely certain— information sheet Incomplete, ° Most not introduced if not needed to hold defendant to answer—ofiice time saving pol- icy at preliminary level. No. 1624 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE Confession or admission and plea of guilty, 4, Confession or admission and dismissal for refiling, 1 TRIAL STAGE (1) Total defendants, 318. Total pleas of guilty, 96. (1) Accompanied by admission, 18. (2) Accompanied by confession, 31. (3) Unaccompanied by extrajudical state- ments, 47. Total dispositions of guilty, no confessions or admissions involved, 126. Total confessions, 49. Total admissions, 74. Court or jury disposition of guilty accom- panied by admission, 45. (1) Effect of admission on guilty disposi- tion: Surplusage, 1; enhance, 36; essential, 3; unknown, 3. (2) Guilty disposition accompanied by ad- mission excluded by Dorado, 2. Court or jury disposition of guilty accom- panied by confession, 18. (1) Effect of confession on guilty disposl- tion: Surplusage, 0; enhance, 12; essential, 3. (2) Guilty accompanied by confession, ex- cluded because of no intelligent waiver, 1. (3) Guilty accompanied by confession ex- cluded by Dorado, 1. (4) Guilty accompanied by confession ex- cluded by Aranda, 1. TRIALS (2) Court or Jury disposition of not guilty, no confessions or admissions, 22, Court or Jury disposition of not guilty ac- companied by admission, 11. Court or jury disposition of not guilty ac- companied by admission admitted, 7. Court or jury disposition of not guilty ac- companied by admission excluded, 4. (1) Reason for exclusion: Aranda, 2; un- Known, 2. Court or Jury disposition of not guilty ac- companied by confession or confession admitted, 0. Total confessions excluded, 3. (1) Dorado, 1. (2) Aranda, 1. (3) No intelligent waiver, 1. (4) Effect of exclusion on disposition: dif- ferent result, 0: no effect, 3. Total admissions excluded, 6. (1) Dorado, 2. (2) Aranda, 2. (3) Unknown, 2. (4) Effect of exclusion on disposition: dif- ferent result, 4 (Aranda and unknown); no effect, 2 (Dorado); unknown, 0. [ENcLOsuURE 3] STATEMENT BY DisTRicr ATTORNEY EvELLE J. YOUNGER In RE: DAN CLIFTON ROBINSON We have now tried the murderer of Lewis Grego three times. Grego was shot by con- fessed-murderer Dan Clifton Robinson in a robbery on February 3, 1962, at the Fox Is Country Club. The first trial, Robinson was convicted and sentenced to death. The Su- preme Court reversed because of an error in instructing the jury that Willie Hickman, a co-defendant, who did not appeal and is serving a life sentence, was an accomplice. Again, Robinson was tried and this time, the jury gave him life. He appealed and the District Court of Appeals reversed because the police did not advise him of his rights before he confessed. This time, the District Attorney was forced to go to trial without the confession and the jury acquitted him. The confession was yoluntary and admissible un- der the law as it then existed. The defend- ant mow goes free because the law was changed after the crime. The result is a by-preduct of the Supreme Court's tendency to change the ground rules and apply the new rule retroactively. Ironically, Robin- 50n, who was the trigger man, now is free. His two accomplices (Willie Warner Hick- 21251 man and Fred Guliex) are in prison, one serving a 20-year maximum, the other sery- ing life. Juty 14, 1966. TROOP REDUCTION IN EUROPE Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that two con- structive editorials from newspapers in my State, one of September 3, 1966, from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch entitled “A Force Cut in Europe?” and the other from the St. Louis Globe Democrat of September 8, 1966, entitled “Cut US. Forces in Europe” be printed in the Recorp at this point. There being no objection, the edi- torials were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [From the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Sept. 3, 1966] A Force Cut In EvRore? The White House has said “No” to Senator MANSFIELD’s proposal for a Senate resolution favoring a “substantial reduction” of United States forces in Europe. But it said so in a rather faint yoice, and we hope the Senate will not be dissuaded from expressing its own opinion on the question. It has long been clear that such a reduc- tion could be made without serious impair- Ment of European security. The benefits, both to our balance of payments and to the cause of detente with the Soviet Union, would be great, The Russians might be en- couraged to withdraw some of their own troops from Eastern Europe, and further steps toward establishing a new security relationship might follow, The President does not always seek the “advice and consent” of the Senate on for- eign policy initiatives, but in this case he might well find a troop-reduction resolution a useful warrant for doing what he may some day want to do without taking full respon- sibility himself. The facts that Senator MAansFIELp has the support of 13 members of the Senate's Democratic policy committee, and that he has taken care to consult Chair- man Russet, of the Armed Services Com- mittee and Republican Leader DImxsen, argue that more is involved than the per- sonal disposition of a Senator who has long questioned the need for maintaining such a large military establishment in Europe. In any case the Mansfield proposal de- serves a sympathetic reception. At a time when Europe itself acknowledges no need to meet its original NATO troop commitments, when the conditions that gave rise to those commitments have sharply changed, and when we are are spending far more dollars abroad than we are earning, it does not make sense to go on supporting 400,000 troops and nearly a million of their dependents in Eu- rope. Even if the Administration is not ready to say so, there is no reason why the Senate should not. [From the St. Louis Globe Democrat, Sept, 8, 1966] Cut U.S. Forces In EvRoPE The United States troop commitment to Europe is much too heavy in light of Eu- rope’s dramatic recovery and renewed capa- bility to take over the greater part of ifs own — defense. The commitment, made 15 years ago, is woefully outdated. It should be substan- tally reduced as recommended by 13 Demo- cratic Senators, Under vastly changed conditions of today there is no reason to maintain some 400,000 to 450,000 American troops and their 1,000.- 000 dependents in Europe. A substantial September 9, 1966 point in her early visits to Japan and India. She was not only a radiant rebel, admired for her charm and disarming modesty, but also a practical idealist whose comtribution will be realized by future generations. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IN ATLANTA Mr. TALMADGE. Mr. President, all responsible and thinking Georgians— and I am proud to say they constitute an overwhelming majority of the people of my State—were shocked this week by the racial riot that erupted in Atlanta last Tuesday. It was an appalling display of the same brand of lawlessness we have witnessed on many occasions in recent months in a number of cities throughout the Nation. It was the kind of mob violence which can only result in chaos unless steps are taken to restore respect for law and order. And, just as in other places where racial agitation and disorder have resulted in rioting, the Atlanta riot can be laid at the feet of irresponsible leaders who have gone about the country, preaching dis- respect for authority and calling mobs into the streets, with no other purpose than to create strife and disorder. I am truly sorry that Atlanta, whose record for peaceful and sensible race relations is second to no other large metropolitan area in the country, has been made a victim of rioting and dis- graceful chants of “black power.” How- ever, Iam pleased to note that because of positive and responsible leadership on the part of the mayor and the city police, as well as that of respected members of the Negro community, the riot was quelled and handled overall in a most commendable manner. There appeared in the September 7 edi- tion of the Atlanta Constitution an ex- cellent column by Editor Eugene Pat- terson, giving an account of the rioting and the courageous and firm part of Mayor Ivan Allen and responsible Negro leaders in dispersing the rioters. There also appeared fine editorials in the Atlanta Journal and the Washington Evening Star commending Mayor Allen and rightly placing the blame for the dis- order where it belongs. Task unanimous consent that Mr. Pat- terson’s column and the editorials be printed in the Recorp. There being no objection the material was. ordered to be printed in the Recorn, as follows: [From the Atlanta (Ga.} Constitution, Sept. , 1966] A Day To Forcer (By Eugene Patterson) A fume of tear gas still stung the eye occasionally. It made Ivan Allen look ag if he had been weeping. The mayor stood in a pool of glass frag- ments in the middle of Capitol Avenue with his shoulders slumped wearily. A police car with blue light flashing passed on one side of him, and a Grady Hospital ambulance with ared light passed on the other. He Hfted his reddened eyes to the porches and looked at the Negro men, women and children whose rights he had long fought for at the risk of his own political Nfe. They looked back at him. On the upstairs balcony of a bleak apart- ment house—"four rooms, will redecorate, #59.50’'—a girl of about 15 perked and shook idly in a silent dance. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE “They don't know,’ Mayor Allen said gently. “They just don’t know.” But the SNCC leadersknew. When Stokely Carmichael’s crowd finally got a police shoot- ing to play with, they stirred up those men, women and children as skillfully as white demagogues used to get a night ride going. Like the old white mobs, the rock-throwing Negroes didn’t have a very clear idea what had hold of them Tuesday. Demagogues had hold of them. SNCC was in charge. SNCC comes in on a scene of trouble like an ambulance. But not to heal any frac- tures. It had been a long, chilly summer in the Vine City slum. SNCC’s sound trucks had failed to stir riots. Maybe Vine City residents got toughened to the black power demagoguery and immune to it. Here, al- most in the shadow of Atlanta's new stadium, was a fresh neighborhood with a built-in incident. And here was SNCC, As Allen said, the people just didn’t know. But 5NCC did. To say past white injustices to Negroes was fair provocation for what the black power zealots did to Atlanta Tuesday is about like justifying white bombers and burners on grounds some Negroes are crimi- nal, The major understood what was going on, even while the Negro rock throwers who literally threatened his life did not. He gave them their target. He walked in the open down the middle of the street while some policemen were taking cover behind an armored car under the hail of stones. His courage was remarked by every tough cop present, He acted like a man who didn’t want to be safe if his city wasn't. ALMOST—BUT NOT QUITE For a while it looked as if the mayor might pull it off. He waded into the middle of the riotous crowd at Capitol and Ormond (you go past the stadium on Capitol, and across Georgia, and across Little and Love—that's right, Love—and there's Ormond) and tried to lead them out to the stadium. They fol- lowed him for a block. Then SNCC got hold of the thing again, yelling black power. They weren't gonna go to any white man’s stadium. Pretty soon they had the crowd back at Ormond and Capitol. Allen got up on a police car and tried to talk to them. Demagogues knew what to do about that. They rocked the car violently until he was shaken off it. Encircled and shoved, he simply bored deeper into the black crowd, demanding order, exhorting peace. Rocks flew. Windshields and windows Police cars had their glasses smashed. A white woman's car was hit; she paused at the stadium parking lot to shake the glass out of her hair. People were getting hurt. While Allen stood be- tween them, Negroes threw rocks and police- men fired into the air. Tear gas finally broke that one up. The police ran out of tear gas. But they stood on the street corners with their gas guns at the ready and nobody knew they were empty until new supplies came, Policemen are always targets in mobs like these. The strain showed in thelr faces and you couldn't blame them. Shotguns, pis- tols, g88 guns, billies—the tense brandishing of s0 much hardware was imposing. They had seen too many cars smashed, too much anger, to be easy. They were as tight as colled springs, looking all about. There in the middle of them, unarmed and unrattled, ‘was Mayor Allen. “I wish I could slow that guy down,” said Capt. George Royall, his police aide and body- guard, sprinting up Little Street. The mayor had suddenly walked up there to insist that egroes disperse and go to their homes, The crowd moved slowly. Two policemen were assigned to herd the crowd back up that side street. They were white, though many of the policemen on the scene were Negro, The two white policemen 21255 had company. “This is the Rev. Sam Wil- liams,”" Capt. Royall told the pair of police- men. “He is going with you and he is going to ask the people to go to their homes peace- fully.” The Rev. Williams did. A tough, smart NAACP militant, the Baptist minister and college professor had been fighting for his people against white oppressors all his life and he did not hesitate to go to the scene Tuesday and fight against their being hurt by SNCC. It took great courage. He went up the street with the policemen, command- ing respect. Like Sam Williams, the Rev. Martin Luther King Sr. was there, deploring violence and laying the blame on those who incited it. “We have got to have law,” the old man said. “If I only had my strength, I would tell these people we have got to have law. Else we have no protection.” “You've got your strength, old. friend,” Ivan Allen said, taking his hand in the Btreet. NEGRO LEADERS GAME Negro politicians like Q. V. Williamson and John Hood were there, laboring to lead their people out of folly. Clergymen like the Rev. William Holmes Borders were there, and leaders like Jesse Hill. The Negro leader- ship turned out to do what it could, just as staunchly as the white leadership used to do when the Elan mentalities threatened violence. But the violent and the disorderly always have an advantage in seizing leader- ship of a crowd. They are unhampered by responsibility and they have emotion go- ing for them. Responsible leaders, rational men, often look vulnerable and even futile in such a setting. But they have to go. Dusk was falling. “Are you hurt? Did any of the rocks hit you?" Allen was asked in the lull. He looked at his friend Sam Wil- Iiams there in the street and laughed. “Man," he kidded, “you know they can't throw anything as fast as I can run. “T've got great peripheral vision. Blind to color, blind to class. I've got to be blind, haven't I, Sam?” The Rev, Williams smiled. “That's right," he sald quietly. The two strong men, one white, one black, looked at each other for a second in the gathering night, then moved off to see if they could calm and disperse some more of the silent, staring spectators, Walking along the center of the Capitol Avenue sidewalk, a tall, thin Negro man wearlng a striped sport shirt and a wisp of beard met a policeman and deliberately con- fronted him head-on, refusing to yield room for him to pass. The policeman held a shotgun at port arms and stood there of a minute. He jerked his thumb to the side but the Negro did not move. Blind hatred contorted his face into a furious mask. The policeman shrugged and walked on around him, The thin goateed Negro walked on, muttering, looking over his shoulder and hating the white man with a passion that seemed to be consuming him like some foul, fatal fever. Shattered glass lay in the street. Plicker- ing lights glinted on the police guns. Night was falling and the mayor was thinking about opening up the schoolhouse at the corner of Capitol and Little and inviting everybody in to talk instead of fight, burn, stone and shoot. It was almost as if the mayor, after half @ day of presenting his body in the street, was as intent on willing and a return to normality as he was in building up his forces of police to crush any renewed dis- order. In the gathering darkness, somebody said to the tired mayor, as he stood there in the street, that he ought to go on home and leave the night peril to his pollcemen and the people on the porches, 21256 “Listen,” he snapped, “if anything is go- ing to happen here tonight, it’s going to happen over me.” [From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star, Sept. 8, 1966] RIOTING IN ATLANTA The most surprising thing about the riot in Atlanta is that is should have happened there. For Atlanta, by general agreement, has been a model for southern cities in its race relations. Mayor Ivan Allen Jr. has walked the last mile in search of racial peace. He had al- most solid Negro support when elected. He was one of the few southerners to testify in support of the 1964 civil rights bill. He has added Negroes to the police force. Atlanta's schools and city facilities are totally inte- grated. Many Negroes are employed by business establishments and the city has sent eight Negroes to the state legislature. All of this counted for nothing, however, when 2 suspected Negro car thief was wounded while trying to escape from arrest- ing police officers. When some 500 or more Negroes took to the streets the mayor climbed on top of an automobile and tried to reason with them. He was shouted down. Taunts of “white devil” and “black power” greeted him. Finally the mob surged around the car and the mayor was jarred loose from his perch and fell to the street. No, this didn’t happen in a Birmingham ora Selma. It happened in Atlanta. Little wonder that the Rev. Martin Luther King Sr,, who lives in Atlanta, was heard to ask: “What do they want? The mayor came down. He tried to speak to them and they wouldn’tlisten. What do they want?” It was a good question, but hard to ans- wer. For most of the members of the mob may not have known themselves what they wanted—unless it was an excuse to throw rocks and rant about police brutality. The mayor says the riot was deliberately caused by some of Stokely Carmichael’'s SNCC henchmen, and he may be right. For the mob began shoutimg “kill the white cops” after SNCC representatives, according to the police, spread the false word that the suspected car thief “had been shot while handcuffed and that he was murdered.” Whatever may have been the case with the rioters, it seems clear that what the SNCC people want is trouble, trouble, trouble. And that is what they are going to get, though not in the form they want, if this sort of madness keeps up. [From the Atlanta (Ga.) Journal, Sept. ‘7, 1966] Wo RUNS THE crry? Magnificent work on the part of the police, the personal courage and leadership of Mayor Ivan Allen and the tion of responsible Negro political and religious leaders kept At- -lanta out of murderous trouble Tuesday evening. There was major trouble as it was, in re- Sponse to an Invitation to trouble promoted by SNCC and its irresponsible new leader, Stokely Carmichael, to protest a case of al- leged police brutality. There was rioting in the streets south of the Stadium (where a detachment of state patrolmen stood by), but the coalition of those devoted to the welfare of the city pre- vailed, May it continue to hold together and Prevail for years to come. The trouble followed the demagogic pat- tern the country has now come to recognize ‘gincé this mo longer is one of those peculiar Southern problems, But the famillarity of the pattern does not ‘make It any less shocking. _ Atlanta so far has maintained a reputation for law and order, and the determination of the mayor to keep this reputation could not be more obvious, CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE Tuesday night proved who was running the elty, and it is not the mob. It is Mayor Allen, and the magnificent backing given him by the police and by sane and responsible Negro leaders pulled us through this time. But it is too much to expect that Tuesday night is going to be the end of it. There are irresponsible white people, seek- ers after public office included, as well as irresponsible promoters of “black power” who find this sort of dangerous idiocy helpful. Certainly we'll see other attempts to pit race against race, make a smoking shambles of Atlanta and set back orderly progress for years to come. But the combination which pulled us through Tuesday night can do it again with the help and the backing of the decent, law- abiding citizens of all Atlanta, and run the inviters torlot out oftown. - This has been a week of crisis in Atlanta, with a good part of the Fire Department on strike, and the police on extended duty. It's the sort of occasion which separates the wheat and the chaff rapidly, and makes us appreciate the value of the kind of good citizenship shown by those who stay on the job when trouble comes. These are the mayor, the police, the loyalists among the firemen, and the Negro leaders who kept the faith with their city and truly with their people. SCHOOL MILK PROGRAM SIGNIFI- CANT CHILD HEALTH MEASURE Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, fiscal 1967 appropriations for maternal and child welfare activities went from $187 million in fiscal 1966 to a House-approved figure of $228,900,000. This is a whop- ping increase of almost $42 million. Every bit of this increase is necessary. Most of it would provide for an expan- sion of the program in accordance with the 1965 amendments to the Social Se- curity Act. But it is significant that while we are providing an additional $41,- 900,000 for child welfare activities in fis- cal 1967 we apparently can afford to boost the special mills program for schoolchil- dren by only $1 million from last year’s appropriation level of $103 million to $104 million this year. Yet if ever a program were important to the welfare of our children, the school milk program is. The milk program helps most those who can least afford to help themselves— the children from poor families living in depressed areas and the slums of our Na- tion's cities. It helps them by providing a Federal payment foward the cost of a half-pint of mill once or twice a day, be- tween meals. Often the local community provides the remainder of the needed funds. Furthermore the cost to the tax- payer is minimal, because milk not pur- chased under the program would prob- ably have to be bought and stored under the price support program at Govern- ment expense, At least $110 million is needed for the school milk program this year if last year's 10 percent cut in the Federal reim- bursement rate is to be restored. LI in- tend to fight hard for an additional $6 Million for the program in a supple- mental appropriation bill. I fully believe that this program is essential to the health and welfare of our children as the maternal and child welfare program. I intend to see that it is properly funded. September 9, 1966 THE NEED FOR REGULATING THE WIDE-OPEN TRAFFICKING OF FIREARMS IN INTERSTATE COM- MERCE Mr. DODD. Mr. President, the rec- ords of this Congress include volumes of testimony on the need for regulating the wide-open trafficking of firearms in in- terstate commerce. The bulk of those volumes are public hearings conducted by the Judiciary Subcommittee on Juvenile Delinquency of which Iam chairman, The purpose of those hearings was to determine whether or not there was a need for the Federal Government to strengthen its own gun laws, and if possible, to aid the several States in making their statutes more enforceable. The results of our inquiry, Senate bill 1592 is now awaiting the action of the Judiciary Committee. I had hoped that the full Senate would have had the opportunity to vote on the measure before now, but the minority opposing any improvement in our gun laws has succeeded in blocking Senate action. ; The gun lobby has been most effective. Leading the opposition to a law that would thwart criminals, drug addicts and mental patients hell-bent on arm- ing themselves is the National Rifle As- sociation, a tax-free group of some 750,- 000 members whose most recent slogan is “America needs more straight shoot- ters.”” In easy-to-understand language a lob- byist is any person or group who seeks the passage or defeat of any legislation in the Congress of the United States. However, thougli not a lobby under the law, the NRA’s antigun legislation phi- losophy is adopted and followed by registered lobbyists among them, for in- stance, the gun industry. On August 14, 1966, on the Frank Mc- Gee Report on the NBC Television Net- work, an NRA spokesman described its nonlobbying activities of the NRA in this way: A teletype in the legislative suite receives reports from state capitals. Whenever a state lawmaker introduces & gun control bill the information is quickly fed to this office. By “this office” the spokesman meant the upper reaches of the multi-million- dollar national headquarters of the Na- tional Rifle Association in downtown Washington, D.C. Mr. President, at the conclusion of my remarks, I would like the text of the Frank McGee report printed in the Con- GRESSIONAL. RECORD. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. (See exhibit 1.) Mr. DODD. Mr. President, consistent with the nonlobby image it spends into the seven figures each year to project, on September i, 1966, the NRA shelled out almost $10,000 for full page ads in the Washington Post and the New York Times throwing its weight behind “en- forceable measures to keep firearms from irresponsibles, incompetents, and eriminals,” amongst other things. The advertisement was discussed at some length in the September 9, 1966,  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 134 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/e51c7d99a3b41d7e599687b093f0b6ed.pdf 4cb1bfc2c434a7ae054e45db1018d265 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. 9, 1966. The Riot in Atlanta .~n artificially induce d riot involving a few hundred SUl?Ceptible Negroes shattered th e calm of an Atlanta aftrernoon, and it may have sha ttered much more. There is no way of gauging f ully its effect on a S'ou therh community that had been deservedly considered a m~del in race relations. Particularly dismaying was the abusive treatment accorded Mayor Ivan Allen J r . when he r ushed to the scene and tried to calm t he rioters. They had been wliipped to frenzy, reportedly by the so·called Student Ndnviolent Coordinating Commit tee, espouser of the separatist arrd inflamma tory slogan of " black power." ~uch was the mood of t he mob, h astily r ecruited after a Negro suspected of stealing a car had been wounded while fleeing from police, t hat ~ayor Allen was jarred from the top of a police car and subjected to a barrage of bricks, bottles and verbal abuse as he courageously stood his ground a nd tried vainly to re Jore sanity. This was an ironic reward for one of the f ew Southern officials who supported th e Civil Rights Act of 1964. 'J;o the degree tha t S.N.C.C. in its new militancy was responsible for this viol ence, it has done a gross disservice to t he evolution of r acial harmony and t he pr~gress of the Negro in At lanta a nd elsewhere in the South. � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 133 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/11a77b60e63799a3e2a0ee2a138fdc9d.pdf b010b098669cee6efa28e51688beab70 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. k,-~ ~ ' -~~·::, ~ OP N~i rw~u~day jfaf . , • The Week in Perspective Obituaries, Weather B WASHINGTON, D. C., SEPTEMBER 11, 1966 Dead End Awaits the Black Power Road EDITORIAL The arrest of Stokely Carmichael gation of last month 's trouble in t he Anacostia a rea is a case in point. That affair, involving a clash between Negroes a.nd police, has been und er study by a group of prominent citi-zens appointed by Commissioner Tobriner. Its co-chairman is Sterling Tucker, a r espected Negro leader. The study group has reached . no wnclusions. In fact , it is just beginning the job of drafting its report. Yet Adam Clayton Powell, whose position in Congr ess entitles one to expect some thing better from him, has charged into print and two of his SNCC lieutenants on charges of inciting last week's riot in Altlji.Jlta may mark a turning point in w'ha.t appears to be a struggle for supremacy between the moderate and the extremist elements in the civil rights movement. The importance of the decision by Atlaruta's Mayor Allen, who has taken a strong lead in behalf of Negro rights, lies in one simple fact. Public officials, assuming that the requi ite proof is in hand, must be willing to prosecute a Carmichael or anyone else where a serious ottense is invo1ved. If for a political reason or some other reason they will not take firm action against a leader, how can they expect those in the lower echelons to respeCJt and obey the law? And, of at least equal importa.nce, why should anyone suppose that the moderate civil rights leaders will speak out and act against violence 1! the civil authol"itlies are unwilling to do so? This is a testing year, a year in which events may determine whether good sense' oc "black power" in tts extreme manifesta,tions will can-y the day. It will be tragic if, because of weak knees in ciity hall, it should be made to appear that the rock-thrower and the Molotov cocktail a.re tih.e wave of the future. There is risk of oversimplification in discussing the moderaJte as opposed to the extremist wings. There is good reason to believe thaJt a very large majoriity of Negroes do not support and are even opposed to the extremtst tactics. This does not necessarily mean, however, tha.t all moderates wm condemn the extremists out of hand. Some of them 'ffiaY even dertve a. certaiin vicaiious saJtisfactlon from the excesses of a Carmichael or an Adam Clayton Powell, even t hough they know in their hearts that an appeal to black power, for example, can eventually lead only to a dead-end st reet as !.ar as any perma- with.. the accusation that he investiga- 'Trouble I got, man-what I want is progress!' nent advancement of civil rights is concerned. In this connect ion, it ls interesting to note the result s of a recent survey conducted by a respeoted polling a gency in Watts, Harlem, Chicago and Baltimore. The questions were asked by trained Negro pollsters. And the responses revealed t hast most Negroes, even in the ghettos, want pretty much t he same things that most white people want. They want better housin g. Not surprisingly, since they are the p1incipal viCJtims, t hey are worried about crime, and they are mo-re inte'l'ested in adequaite police pr otection th?,n in talk about police brutality. They want their children to h ave a sound, disciplined education. In Harlem only 2 percent of those tn,terviewed sa'id that school int egration was their grerutoot problem. The real edu cational pmblem, in the majO'!:ity opinion, is the pressing need for better neighborhood schools. Again, a cautionary note is in order. It does not necess-artly follow from the survey findings t h ait most of the people in t he g·h ettos are against violence in pursuit of t heir reasonable objectives. In Watts, for example, 48.4 pe,r cent of those interviewed thitnk the riot ing there h elped t heir chances for equality in jobs, schools and housing. Only 23.8 percent believe the rioting was h armful t o amtainment of t hits objective. The obvious inference from this 1s t hat th e demagogue, t he racist-in-reverse, will fin d his best opportunit y 1n the gh eittos and that th~s ls w'hy he makes his major pit ch there. It should be bor ne in mind, however, that the ghetto is no,t synonymous with t h e Negro community in t he United· States. Many Negroes do not live in gherf:ltos. The moderate Negro leader, however, h as a respo nsibility t o help allev10Jte the conditions in the gh etto. And he also has a responsibiUty to stand up and be counted in oppositiion t o t hose who seek to exploit the distress in the ghettos for purposes of thedr own-from motives which are at best dubious and which in the long run can only retard t he drive of the Negro for his equ al and rightful place in the American society. Here 1n Washington, the invest!- t ion is a "whitewash" and that the commi ttee has too many "mild-manner ed Negroes." Following this lead, Julius Hobson, who heads the group known as ACT, paid his respects to "pasteurized Negroes" on th e committee who, he said , would sell . other Negroes short "for a few pieces of silver." To the extent that a nyone in Washington takes Powell and Hobson seriously, this sort of demagogic prejudgment is as harmful as it is outrageous. And it should not be allowed , to go unchallenged·. Although not ai med specifically at the Powell-Hobson combination, th e executive board of the District chapter of the NAACP has just approved a r esolu tion which is a reflec l:iion of responsible thinking by moderate leadership. The r esolut ion, offered by H. Carl Moultrie, presiden t of the local branch, said that the NAACP "must condemn with .equal vigor the gathering of crowds to pro test the arrest of an individual, or individuals, as it does any form of police brutality." If witnesses think the police are guilty of brutality in making an arrest, the resolution continued, t here are appropriate avenues, including the NAACP, through which corrective action can be sought. But "violence on t he part o,f a person, or persons, or groups of persons, must be unequivocally ·condemned." The resolu tion ended with an expression of hope that "all oth er organizations do the same as we in calling for law and order." So far the call from other organizations h as been considerably less than deafening. The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, however, has just denounced "black power" in any conteX:t of violence. As the struggle within the civil rights movemen t shapes up, and if public aoohoriiti.es follow Atlanta's example in cracking down on violence and inci temen t to violence, the country should h ear before long from oth er moderate voices. For if one thing ls clear, l:t ls tha,t future prog-ress in civil rights depends upon co-operation wH1hin the framework of law by whit es an d _Negroes whose dedication to equal treatment and equal oppoirtunity is genuine r ait'lher t han opportunis·tic. If an yone doub ts this, let h im look ait what is happening to t he 1966 clivil rig·h ts bill in the Sen ate. There certaiinly is not hing to be gained in the future by following those who think or who · pretend to t hink o·f progress in t erms of black power, and who talk nonsense about burning down the city to get what they want . · An impo,r tant thin g for everyone t o remember is that g.ains can be lost. And one way to reverse th e na,tdonal mood which has produced so man y very substant ial civil rights gains is to enlist a n ~rmv und er t he racist bann er of hot 'l~~ds wh o wa,nt the Nei;,;ro to go it alone. � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document aut) ; aanctlhaere os he Sunde Star The Week in Perspective B Obituaries, Weather WASHINGTON, D. C., SEPTEMBER 11, 1966 Dead End Awaits the Black Power Road EDITORIAL The arrest of Stokely Carmichael and two of his SNCC lieutenants on eharges of inciting last week’s riot in Atlanta may mark a turning point in what appears to be a struggle for su- premacy between the moderate and the extremist elements in the civil rights movement. The importance of the decision by Atlanta’s Mayor Allen, who has taken a sitvong lead in behalf of Negro rights, lies in one simple fact. Public officials, assuming that the requisite proof is in hand, must be willing to prosecute a Carmichael or anyone else where a seri- ous offense is involved. If for a political reason or some other reason they will not take firm action against a leader, how can they expect those in the lower echelons to respect and obey the law? And, of at least equal importance, why should anyone suppose that the moder- ate civil rights leaders will speak out and act against violence if the civil au- thorities are unwilling to do so? This is a testing year, a year in which events may determine whether good sense'or “black power’ in its ex- treme manifestations will carry the day. It will be tragic if, because of weak knees in city hall, it should be made to appear that the rock-thrower and the Molotov cocktail are the wave of the future. There is risk of oversimplification in discussing the moderate as opposed to the extremist wings. There is good rea- son to believe that a very large major- ity of Negroes do not support and are even opposed to the extremist tactics. This does not necessarily mean, how- ever, that all moderates will condemn the extremists out of hand. Some of them may even derive a certain vicari- ous satisfaction from the excesses of a Carmichael or an Adam Clayton Powell, even though they know in their hearts that an appeal to black power, for ex- ample, can eventually lead only to a dead-end street as far as any perma- “8 2 : ‘Trouble | got, man—what | want is progress!’ nent advancement of civil rights is concerned. In this connection, it is Interesting to note the results of a recent survey conducted by a respected polling agency in Watts, Harlem, Chicago and Balti- more. The questions were asked by trained Negro pollsters. And the re- sponses revealed that most Negroes, even in the ghettos, want pretty much the same things that most white people want. They want better housing. Not surprisingly, since they are the principal victims, they are worried about crime, and they are more interested in ade- quate police protection than in talk about police brutality. They want their children to have a sound, disciplined ed- ucation. In Harlem only 2 percent of those interviewed said that school inte- gration was their greatest problem. The real educational problem, in the majori- ty opinion, is the pressing need for bet- ter neighborhood schools, Again, a cautionary note is in order. It does not necessarily follow from the survey findings that most of the people in the ghettos are against violence in pursuit of their reasonable objectives. In Watts, for example, 48.4 percent of those interviewed think the rioting there helped their chances for equality in jobs, schools and housing. Only 23.8 percent believe the rioting was harmful to attainment of this objective. The obvious inference from this is that the demagogue, the racist-in-re- verse, will find his best opportunity in the ghettos and that this is why he makes his major pitch there. It should be borne in mind, however, that the ghetto is not synonymous with the Negro community in the United States. Many Negroes do not live in ghettos. The mod- erate Negro leader, however, has a re- sponsibility to help alleviate the condi- fions in the ghetto. And he also has a responsibility to stand up and be counted in oppositiion to those who seek to ex- ploit the distress in the ghettos for pur- poses of their own—from motives which are at best dubious and which in the long run can only retard the drive of the Negro for his equal and rightful place in the American society. Here in Washington, the’ investi- gation of last month’s trouble in the Anacostia area is a case in point. That affair, involving a clash be- tween Negroes and police, has been under study by a group of prominent citizens appointed by Commissioner Tobriner. Its co-chairman is Sterling Tucker, a respected Negro leader. The study group has reached no conclusions. In fact, it is just beginning the job of drafting its report. Yet Adam Clayton Powell, whose position in Con- gress entitles one to expect something better from him, has charged into print with the accusation that the investiga- tion is a “whitewash” and that the com- mittee has too many “mild-mannered Negroes.” Following this lead, Julius Hobson, who heads the group known as ACT, paid his respects to “pasteurized Negroes” on the committee who, he said, would sell other Negroes short “for a few pieces of silver.” To the extent that anyone in Washington takes Powell and Hobson seriously, this sort of demagogic prejudgment is as harmful as it is out- rageous. And it should not be allowed , to go unchallenged. Although not aimed specifically at the Powell-Hobson combination, the executive board of the District chapter of the NAACP has just approved a res- olution which is a reflection of respon- sible thinking by moderate leadership. The resolution, offered by H. Carl Moultrie, president of the local branch, said that the NAACP “must condemn with.equal vigor the gathering of crowds to protest the arrest of an individual, or individuals, as it does any form of police brutality.” If witnesses think the police are guilty of brutality in making an arrest, the resolution continued, there are appropriate avenues, includ- ing the NAACP, through which correc- tive action can be sought. But “violence on the part of a person, or persons, or eroups of persons, must be unequivocally condemned.” The resolution ended with an expression of hope that “all other organizations do the same as we in call- ing for law and order.” - ' So far the call from other organ- izations has been considerably less than deafening. The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, however, has just denounced “black power” in any context of vio- lence. As the struggle within the civil rights movement shapes up, and if public authorities follow Atlanta’s ex- ample in cracking down on violence and incitement to violence, the country should hear before long from other mod- erate voices. For if one thing is clear, it is that future progress in civil rights depends upon co-operation within the framework of law by whites and Negroes whose dedication to equal treatment and equal opportunity is genuine rather than op- portunistic. If anyone doubts this, let him look at what is happening to the 1966 civil rights bill in the Senate. There certainly is nothing to be gained in the future by following those who think or who pretend to think of progress in terms of black power, and who talk nonsense about burning down the city to get what they want. An important thing for everyone to remember is that gains can be lost. And one way to reverse the national mood which has produced so many very sub- stantial civil rights gains is to enlist an ermyv under the racist banner of hot- heads who want the Negro to g¢o it alone.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 132 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/c4e5913f3c0fbdbe2c986a3ab783ee06.pdf b4aa32b67146fadf57f2825e0d512be2 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. THE 210TH COMMENCEMENT ~ / / ~~ A Call for Concern aiout Cifie( ~ / T age of protest and participation has coined its own jargon -"activism", "Vietnik", "freedom marcher. " For m any of this year's American college graduates, picketing has become the valid, and therefore leading, a nswer to conventional problems. But Pennsylvania commencement speaker (and U. _S. Secretary of Housing and Urban Development) Robert C. vVeaver offered an alternative for this generation of "activists" and their restless socia l consciences. Addressing 2,900 degree recipients on May 23 in Convention Hall, v\Teaver said: "Our need is to be concerned with urba n values and translate them into equal opportunity, attractive communities, a nd the good life for ourselves a nd our neighbors. " The new mern ber of Presiclen t .Johnson's cabinet said he is "sometimes concerned lest we underestim a te or misinterpre t the impli ca tions and potentialities o f urba nization." '"' e n eed to "raise the horizon of expectations of the American people" in order to accomplish this great goal. "It cannot be tha t the complexity of the issue deters us," he said. Nor ca n it be tha t "we shy away because the iss ues involved yield to n o simple, single, sure solutions, for tha t is equally true of so many other problems. "Perhaps it is that urban problems a re so immediate and so much a part of our daily existence that we .3:-cceet them as immutable. If so, I want to disabuse you of tha t d elusion . Man h as created cities a nd m an can ch~ e them. The fundamenta l issue," he continued, "is, of course, wh eth er or not urban democracy will work, truly, for all America ns . Stated anothe r way, the highest goal of our n a tional efforts in urban d evelopme nt is to maximize options, to insure the .highest possible fevel of opportunities fo r all o ur people, at th e same time that o ties provide comfort, security, ex citement, a nd sa tisfactions fo r their oc~ " T h e Federal government is "Stressing 34 HIS PENNSYLVAN IA GAZETT E experimentation, innovation, and ing pace .. . The university, as a nondemonstration," he said, " ... not to political, non-profit establishment, is fend off radical change in cities, but in a position to experiment with proto foster it." Government is seeking grams of innova tion and to provide a compromise solutions which it feels medium for action on the part of the are inevita ble. This process calls for private citizen, the philanthropic planning and decision making, with foundation, and the government." the implicit belief that "if people and Pennsylvania's involvement is "witin_stitutions can agree on common nessed in the enterprising community problems, become involved in com- efforts of our divisions of law, medimon solutions, and learn to work to- cine, education, city planning and its gether for specific, though limited, ob- environmental institute, regional scijectives, then there is the basis for ence, a nd the department of labor wider joint action." and industry. Citing his aspirations for urbaniza" l'Vfore recently this thi;ust of the tion a nd the complexities awa iting the University toward assisting our urban graduates of 1966, , Neaver said: "I be- neighbors in seeking experimental lieve in cities. I welcome a n urban solutions to long neglected and r apAmerica. But I know both can be idly emerging social problems is r~)much better than they now are. To ~sen ted by our Human Resources achieve the urban p o tential tha t is .E.rogram, a n a tionally acclaimed segours is the domestic challenge of your ment of the University which is ingeneration. volved in seeking solutions to the "It is m y hope," he told his a udi- problems or'breakdown in community ence, " tha t this .. will be your com- relations. T h e student involvement in m en cem ent to ide ntify with this cru- this University effort, the Community cial issue. · You are urban America. Involvement Council a·n d its Tutori al Vh a t you and others in our society Board, h ave d emonstrated tha t our ilieam ca n become a new environment 1;1ndergradu a te students ca re d eeply that maximi zes choices, reduces in- . ab out the human and social probl':._ms convenience, d emands a nd achieves of our Philadelphia community. O ver l:>eauty, a nd establishes a viable system 600 of our stude nts under the coorof local and regional government." dina ted efforts of their own leadership Sharing , Neaver's platform of be- actively engaged in p er forming a valiefs, President H arnwell said: "Com- . riety of community services o n a 1~ umencement implies the beginning o f lar basis in the Philade)phi:i~ a new activities and new goals, a nd throughout the p ast academic year inoffers new achievem ents. The chal- cluding tutoring elementar y a nd high lenge today for this potential energy sch ool students. C learly this U niverass ures an opportunity for each indi- sity," the president concluded, "stands vidual to contribute significantly to- ready and willing to imp lement the ward the _revitaliza tion of contempo- efforts of those a lready engaged in rary society." Noting many changes compou nding a remedy for the pro_.12and improyements made by gov- lems of the city." ernme ntal programs, the president T the 210th Commencement, the pointed to society's current "process Un iversity also awarded honorof dramatic evolution" and the role of educational institutions in that proc- ary d egrees to ten distinguished m en: • ·waiter H. Anne nberg, ' 31 ess: "The great urban universities, as ·, e P!,ilaclelcommunities of con cerned and knowl- editor a nd publish er edgeable people, are m eeting the chal- p!, ia Inquirer a nd preside nt o f T r ilenges of urbanization a t an increas- angle Publications, Inc., docto r of \ 1 ]u/y, 1966 A � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document THE 210TH COMMENCEMENT fo A Call for Concern ak at age of protest and participa- tion has coined its own jargon —“activism”, ‘‘Vietnik”, “freedom marcher.”” For many of this year’s American college graduates, picketing has become the valid, and therefore leading, answer to conventional prob- lems. But Pennsylvania commence- ment speaker (and U. S. Secretary of Housing and Urban Development) Robert C. Weaver offered an alterna- tive for this generation of “activists” and their restless social consciences. Addressing 2,900 degree recipients on May 23 in Convention Hall, Weaver said: “Our need is to be con- cerned with urban values and trans- late them into equal opportunity, at- tractive communities, and the good life for ourselves and our neighbors.” The new member of President John- son’s cabinet said he is ‘sometimes concerned Jest we underestimate or misinterpret the implications and po- tentialities of urbanization.” We need to “raise the horizon of expectations of the American people” in order to accomplish this great goal. “It cannot be that the complexity of the issue deters us,” he said. Nor can it be that “we shy away because the issues in- volved yield to no simple, single, sure solutions, for that is equally true of so many other problems. “Perhaps it is that urban problems are so immediate and so much a part of our daily existence that we accept them as immutable. If so, I want to disabuse you of that delusion. Man has created cities and man can change them. The fundamental issue,” he con- tinued, “is, of course, whether or not urban democracy will work, truly, for all Americans. Stated another way, the highest goal of our national efforts in urban development is to maximize options, to insure the highest possible level of opportunities for all our people, at tre same time that cities and satisfactions for their occupants.” ie Federa Thien is stressing experimentation, innovation, and demonstration,” he said, “. . . not to fend off radical change in cities, but to foster it.” Government is seeking compromise solutions which it feels are inevitable. This process calls for planning and decision making, with the implicit belief that “if people and institutions can agree on common problems, become involved in com- mon solutions, and learn to work to- gether for specific, though limited, ob- jectives, then there is the basis for wider joint action.” Citing his aspirations for urbaniza- tion and the complexities awaiting the graduates of 1966, Weaver said: “I be- lieve in cities. I welcome an urban America. But I know both can be much better than they now are. To achieve the urban potential that is ours is the domestic challenge of your generation. “It is my hope,” he told his audi- ence, “that this will be your com- mencement to identify with this cru- cial issue. You are urban America. What_you and others in our society that maximizes choices, reduces in- convenience, demands and_achieves beauty, and establishes a viable system of local and regional government.” Sharing Weaver's platform of be- liefs, President Harnwell said: “Com- mencement implies the beginning of new activities and new goals, and offers new achievements. The chal- lenge today for this potential energy assures an opportunity for each indi- vidual to contribute significantly to- ward the revitalization of contempo- rary society.’ Noting many changes and improvements made by gov- ernmental programs, the president pointed to society's current “process of dramatic evolution” and the role of educational institutions in that proc- ess: ‘“The great urban universities, as communities of concerned and knowl- edgeable people, are meeting the chal- lenges of urbanization at an increas- 54 PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE July, 1966 ee to Oe out Cities " ing pace... The university, as a non- political, non-profit establishment, is in a position to experiment with pro- grams of innovation and to provide a medium for action on the part of the private citizen, the philanthropic foundation, and the government.” Pennsylvania’s involvement is “wit- nessed in the enterprising community efforts of our divisions of law, medi- cine, education, city planning and its environmental institute, regional sci- ence, and the department of labor and industry. “More recently this thrust of the University toward assisting our urban neighbors in seeking experimental idly emerging social problems is rep- resented by our Human Resources Program, a nationally acclaimed seg- ment of the University which is in- volved in seeking solutions to the problems of breakdown in community relations. The student involvement in this University effort, the Community Involvement Council and its Tutorial Board, have demonstrated that our undergraduate students care deeply about the human and social problems of our Philadelphia community. Over 600 of our students under the coor- dinated efforts of their own leadership actively engaged in performing a va- lar_basis_in the Philadelphia area throughout the past academic year in- cluding tutoring elementary and high school students. Clearly this Univer- sity,” the president concluded, “stands ready and willing to implement the ellorts of those already engaged in compounding a remedy for the prob- lems of the city.” __ ———————— tT the 210th Commencement, the University also awarded honor- ary degrees to ten distinguished men: e Walter H. Annenberg, '3/ IW editor and publisher oF The Philadel- phia Inquirer and president of Tri- angle Publications, Inc., doctor of  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 131 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/0df760961b9d4f3e91cb6cded0656379.pdf 9462441a01ebb8e6706d2f3dd2702b1a Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. William Underwood EXECU T IVE VICE PRES I D E NT September 9, 1966 137 5 PEACHTRE E S TREET , ATLANTA Dear Mayor Allen: Your pe rsonal demonstration of courage and integrity in handling the uprising on Tuesday deserves recognition from each of us here who care about Atlanta . I admire you for what you did and support you in your continuing efforts to deal with these complex problems in a firm and fair manner. Sincerely, ,; , . ' " /": , I / ~/' / / / ,j' / /;. f, The Honorable Ivan Allen Mayo r of Atlanta City Hall Atlanta, G eo rgia ~ , . ,f ' }i.Y~i,i/1 ~b :- ~/"""~ ,.y � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document William Underwood EXECUTIVE VICE PRESIDENT September 9, 1966 1375 PEACHTREE STREET, ATLANTA Dear Mayor Allen: Your personal demonstration of courage and integrity in handling the uprising on Tuesday deserves recognition from each of us here who care about Atlanta. | admire you for what you did and support you in your continuing efforts to deal with these complex problems in a firm and fair manner. Sincerely, . 7A ts. Ly ALLS HIND The Honorable Ivan Allen Mayor of Atlanta City Hall Atlanta, Georgia  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 130 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/ee6b5c52c39c23850228ef4a4b422d4c.pdf 37436741e5a905c854ef1663baa23a2b Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 129 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/01e0c5421c7a038280fcbace254e4add.pdf e634386b6810ffd335b02da8acdf8e41 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. / / / ~~· '&" ' i ; (, l,, �� Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 128 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/61344d32bba6da10918f26944de9ca52.pdf 4c6f2f2d777d7be0a1f5c0dee732f847 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. JAMES c. A. McKNIGHT, Editor L. KNIGHT, President and Publisher BRODIE s. GRIFFITH, General Ma,nager THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1966 Atlanta's Mayor And Police Handled Bad Situation Well . Stokely Carmichael of the now-~ named Student Nonviolent Coordina mg c ommi£tee apparently got what he wanted in Atlanta Tuesday - a riot by Negroes protesting the shooting of a man pursued by police. Carmichael has gone to great lengths to explain his idea of "black power" in terms of political strength, insisting 1.hat it is not a call to violence. But the real fruits of bis call for "black power" fell in Atlanta. Mayor Ivan Allen Jr., displaying supreme personal courage and great concern for his city, went into the midst of the mob to plead for law and order. It was only after he had been knocked from the top of a car, where he was urging the crowd to disperse, that Mayor Allen gave orders to police to return force with force. That was the only course left to the mayor and the police in the absence of cooperation from Carmichael and other Negro leaders who had worked the crowd to an emotional pitch. The airing of grievances must be tolerated, but the imposition of a state of anarchy in a city is out of the question. Atlanta police showed considerable restraint in handling the crowd as they were being pelted by rocks, bottles and bricks. This restraint kept the number of injured to a minimum. The police also reflected the department's effective riot-control ' training when the mayor gave the orders to move against the mob. It is · regrettable that such an incident took place in progressive Atlanta. It again demonstrates that some -elements of the Negro community in most cities are easily aroused against the police by the incitement of extremists. It serves to remind us, too, that police must always act with extreme care in the use of firearms during arrests in racially-tense areas. All who beard and saw reports of the Atlanta riot at the height of the action were shaken by its savageness. Except for the courage and decisiveness of Mayor Allen and the professional conduct of the police in the face of the mob, the bloodshed and destruction would have been far worse. � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Che Charlott: Observer JAMES L. KNIGHT, President and Publisher C. A. McKNIGHT, Editor BRODIE 8. GRIFFITH, General Manager THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1966 Atlanta’s Mayor And Police Handled Bad Situation Well Stokely Carmichael of the now-mis- named Student Nonviolent Coordinating ommittee apparently got what he wanted in Atlanta Tuesday — a riot by Negroes protesting the shooting of a man pursued by police. Carmichael has gone to great lengths to explain his idea of “black power” in terms of political strength, insisting that it is not a call to violence. But the real fruits of his call for “black power” fell in Atlanta. Mayor Ivan Allen Jr., displaying su- preme personal courage and great concern for his city, went into the midst of the mob to plead for law and order. It was only after he had been knocked from the top of a car, where he was urging the crowd to disperse, that Mayor Allen gave orders to police to return force with force. That was the only course left to the mayor and the police in the absence of cooperation from Carmichael and other Negro leaders who had worked the crowd to an emotional pitch. The airing of griev- ances must be tolerated, but the imposition of a state of anarchy in a city is out of the question. Atlanta police showed considerable re- straint in handling the crowd as they were being pelted by rocks, bottles and bricks. This restraint kept the number of injured to a minimum. The police also reflected the department’s training when the mayor gave the orders to move against the mob. It is regrettable that such an incident took place in progressive Atlanta. It again demonstrates that some elements of the Negro community in most cities are easily aroused against the police by the incitement of extremists. It serves to remind us, too, that police must always act with extreme care in the use of firearms during arrests in racially-tense areas. All who heard and saw reports of the Atlanta riot at the height of the action were shaken by its savageness. Except for the courage and decisiveness of Mayor Allen and the professional conduct of the police in the face of the mob, the blood- shed and destruction would have been far worse. . effective riot-control —  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 127 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/950e72e8d510019ffedc0cf735a8ea49.pdf 19844f32263a8368dd91af805849edb5 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. L ~ . /~ /9~6 ~ "/7/.r~~ /4'~ A;d. ?/ ,t$. ~ / ~ ~ ~ ~ }A , ~f~~ &4~ ~~ · / / ) ~ ~ ~; 16:23, 29 December 2017 (EST) ~- 143.215.248.55 16:23, 29 December 2017 (EST) /44/ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 A .-t,«/~ ~ ~ .e. ?dv~~ aw143.215.248.55 ~ ~ .,,,,,,,,,.,,,,Jl\..t~~ ~ ;t., ~ ~ 143.215.248.55 . ~~ r -~ ~,(../ ,(/1,,' M b ~ ~ - f r ~ ~- · �� Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 126 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/76e96df9395a4b21c083b872ef78a81e.pdf df68b642063316bfe160523bd4855aa3 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. ~_,. tff· S£P 1~ 66 A8447 11',. £ST ft kPA012 PO KP ATLANTA GA 1, '.AYOR IYAN ALLEN CITY HALL L OR FEV A.N> ATLA QA wtU..-THlN<lle; CITIZENS ARE 0\.E YOIJ Tl'L!A THANKS AM:> APPREtlATION llE LCAOEFlSkIP YOU HAYE SHOWN-. PAATICtLAAY O~IHG Tl'E'. LAS"f OAYS. YOU HAVE !!t:EN C01"A8£0US lH)f~ DANGEROUS CIRC~STAHCf.'..~ "IA.VE CERTAl"'l.'l' SHOVH VONOERFLl. tNT£R£ST IN YOUR CITY ANJ STATE BY YO~ lH>£ftSTANlJNO. SOt1E Of TH[ CAUS£S OEFIHITn Y SK)l.l.O BE REMOVED AH) I AM AT YO~ COMl'IAN> lf 1 CAN !IE OF' ANY ASSISTAN'.!E. HOPE VE PIAY W.VE YO~ LEAl'F-RSHIP !UNY YEAFIS TO CONE• P£RSOHAL A£QAROS ABE 80lOST£IN d~~). 1 270 ( 1·5 1 ) I'-' 1. ( . - •ITH US FOR � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 125 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/d6d54d4f69324c6b0c5c5802a8f93b17.pdf 642412a5831fc266e6551125752eb6f5 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. _WL;:1 ""--I W~ ~ ~ + r--~1 - h ~ U '/~ ~ µ +< ~ ~c· • ~ - ,I ~ -M-c.--- A � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Apne, tn Direckef bn Pheer  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 124 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/2c5f7f047ac951ee924a926c79e053d0.pdf d7fe3b003efd0489fb9974c5b34208c7 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. ~ <lin ~{~ J)' IRA H . HARDlX co::\ IPAXY CONTRACTORS 8t ENGINEERS TELEPHONE 525-5336 - AREA CODE 4 0 4 ~ Atlanta, Ga 174 Mills Street, N. W . ~,!":, 303,J ' � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document fa H. Hardin PRESIDENT IRA H. HARDIN COMPANY CONTRACTORS & ENGINEERS TELEPHONE 525-5336 — AREA Cope 404 174 Mills Street, Nu W. E Atlanta, Ga. 20312 5  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 123 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/8e9c94ee67146cfd90edc007227eb6a2.pdf 2607e1269aa5a7d269eacf183815d615 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. . ~J~ ~ -{/,)~ ~ (J_,Mv(' W. KING GRANT ~ 5'7~-,f'~~/7 T RIPJJTH 6 0961 , 7~ PRE.S IDE.NT 919 WEST PEACHTREE ST.,N . W . SOUTHERN DISCOUNT CO MPANY ATLANTA , GEORGIA � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document GTP 4 thon ' a “rae IKAne im Gn OT oh pai W. KING GRANT sor 7 z, I7Y-4YLP FRE PRESIDENT SIS WEST PEACHTREE ST.,N.W. SOUTHERN DISCOUNT COMPANY ATLANTA,GEORGIA  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 122 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/d2b0e412a5809e2474faa97c3cb47883.pdf 2e9d03e7cb0998892ca1e5884be6d6f7 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. JOHN H. BE NN ETT DI RECTOR AVIAT I ON DIVISION 100 STATE CAPITOL ATLANTA, GA. 30334 577-3450 �� Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Eve. whee/in4 il Ke, c TPresp yh DEPAn, oe % e a JOHN H. BENNETT i DIRECTOR ° w ua Qo AVIATION DIVISION a Tv *%, & Stry an? 100 STATE CAPITOL ATLANTA, GA. 30334 577-3450 Sp Yue LaFeRaal) df  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 121 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/b12d2be466674c485458cf2b7706a24f.pdf 9cb075a7d8621b3652dff508a89c5c2a Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. . 1 ... ,-~~ ' .;.~·,· ··:· , ', n\, 1 '·: ~ • •; , a I I, , ' ~l ~, 'llr.:.' r"'·'f!. \: ,• .' ...., ., .. ~ • ... • ... c..l .• ._ .1., •• ,-..~ ��" ,\ j , I.,. j ,, 't I' ' . ~ ~ I � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Wtth all yr Lucehes 7 Ahevaeys ~ Pr ay Qlttui Are , 5 88g F | a - RE D NEIMAN | 1 | Glee, Leeper 30303  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 120 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/fdbd92bb3d7aa86b20ae312310076bd3.pdf 0871c85649dad3554eb48cd857198278 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 119 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/d83ba86607f6dfd439c0797c5e5ecbb6.pdf 82f024e72278c69cf8349634397e3b3d Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. �. ' �� Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Bat BMS AQ UbrL eattihah le Af all haut bece 4c seh rr whl ha, y Cen ile a Ct ih4 A Ltt » YD arte ke 4p Ke _AZ CAL Lhe ke fbn pth i rr ke cA Ah ucishery. “a OGLE Coretry —— Atle Leta iy bade  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 118 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/aceea333ff3d999e273c00f9c665faf7.pdf fc524e531eaf7ced776735c9734df297 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. .J. H. H1LSMAN & Co ., I Ne. MEMBER PHILADELPHIA BALTI MORE WASHINGTON S TOC K EXCHANGE 1410 CITIZEN S AND SOUTHERN BUILDI NG ATLANTA 3, GEORGIA C . C . COVEY September 13, 1966 Hon. Ivan Allen, Jr. City Hall Atlanta, Geor gia 30303 Dear Ivan: I want to be counted among those who stand squarely behind you in your handling of the present emergency. Every one of us who has the privilege of calling you friend undoubtedly is tremendously proud of your conduct during this crisis. You have exhibited a level head, extraordinary courage, and dedication. You have had t he courage to face the problem and to face the trouble makers on their own ground. We are all very, very proud of your actions. I have read of the Vice President calling you. I would feel a lot better about him if he hadn't stood up in New Orleans and encouraged just t he sort of thing that has happened here. It occurs to me that he has been trying to carry water on both shoulders. Nevertheless, realize we are all wit h you and proud of you. C. C. Covey CCC : ag � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document J.H.HILSMAN & Co.,INC. MEMBER PHILADELPHIA BALTIMORE WASHINGTON STOCK EXCHANGE 1410 CITIZENS AND SOUTHERN BUILDING ATLANTA 3, GEORGIA c. Cc. COVEY September 13, 1966 Hon. Ivan Allen, Jr. City Hall Atlanta, Georgia 30303 Dear Ivan: I want to be counted among those who stand squarely behind you in your handling of the present emergency. Every one of us who has the privilege of calling you friend undoubtedly is tremendously proud of your con- duct during this crisis. You have exhibited a level head, extraordinary courage, and dedication. You have had the courage to face the problem and to face the trouble makers on their own ground. We are all very, very proud of your actions. I have read of the Vice President calling you. I would feel a lot better about him if he hadn't stood up in New Orleans and encouraged just the sort of thing that has happened here. It occurs to me that he has been trying to carry water on both shoulders. Nevertheless, realize we are all with you and proud of you. CCC:ag  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 117 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/270191160ac1fc6dd4e525a8bc714b9b.pdf 92201d8edec5123cdbe6184a6dd4f798 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. �l ,· t �f ' . � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 20. 2628 Stan, Ow! ona E Dies 9  eS & Ba 3 apt /A, S766 eed Mlle Le at v Ot0N Lar Deveps 3323 : =a a do ae ah ar dius eo bt 9 fT compelled are ied oe wv keT arena | (WM. ) beeline Vere  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 116 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/5bb98674c8fce2c781a1a8e913cbe740.pdf 92b8241579a580ea471d3f8453c49cbb Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. TELEPHONE MESSAGE To_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ Name ~ ~ Telephone No. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ D Wants you to call 0 Is here to see you 0 Returned your call D Came by to s ee you D Left the followi ng mes sage: Date :_ _ _ _ _ __ _ __ _ _ Time _ _ _ _ _ _ _ a. m. / p . m. By--- -- - - -- -- - - -- -- - - -- - - - - - F OR M 25 · 5 � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Office of the’ Mayor TELEPHONE MESSAGE Name Telephone No. [_] Wants you to call {[-] Is here to see you [_] Returned your call {_] Came by to see you [_] Left the following message: ~~ f “CL th hone? Date: Time a.m./ p.m. By. FORM 25-5  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 16, Folder 5, Document 115 Box 16 Box 16 Folder 5 Folder topic: Summerhill riot response | Atlanta | favorable | 1966