271 20 10383 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/06fb2950dc8b440217940db0a8790853.pdf 7ea915f853f78b2a5395ca000f1962cf Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. June 27, 1967 MEMORANDUM TO: George Mr. B. M. Huggins, 377-4315, calledtodayregardingtheY.S.D. Boys Club in Kirkwood. Mr. Huggins advised he is the owner of a building at 75 Norwood Ave., N.E. and the Boys Club rents this building from him. He advised that since these Negro boys had moved into the building they had broken out the windows and the building was in deplorable condition. He also stated that they do not have any garbage cans but dump the garbage in a ditch in back of the building. The Sanitary Dept. could not be expected to get up this garbage. He submits this only as information that in a short period of time they have ruined a good building and has no bearing on neglect of city services. elaine � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document June 27, 1967 ff MEMORANDUM TO: George Mr. B. M. Huggins, 377-4315, called today regarding the Y.S.D. Boys Club in Kirkwood. Mr. Huggins advised he is the owner of a building at 75 Norwood Ave., N.E,. and the Boys Club rents this building from him. He advised that since these Negro boys had moved into the building they had broken out the windows and the building was in deplorable condition. He also stated that they do not have any garbage cans but dump the garbage in a ditch in back of the building. The Sanitary Dept. could not be expected to get up this garbage. He submits this only as information that in a short period of time they have ruined a good building and has no bearing on neglect of city services, elaine  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 27 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/d7efb6046e36e77950856b287f3d7545.pdf b1aaed27e47910b735726fc79cc5a32a Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. LAW OFF IC ES EDENFIELD , HEYMAN & SIZEMORE 310 HERM AN HEYMAN NE WE LL EDENFIELD L AMAR W. SIZEMORE ROBERT TER RY W. DAN FEDERAL BUILDI NG WI LLI AM F . BUCH ANAN OF COUNSEL G. Y OUNG June 27, 1967 P. McKENNA ROBERT WILLIAM FULTON ATLANTA, GEORGIA 30303 E . HICK S ARTHUR HEYM A N ( 1867- H,.51) H. MAJOR GREER MAUR ICE N . MALOOF JOSEP H LEF K OFF BENJ AM I N TELEPH ONE 521-2268 H. OEHLERT ID Mayor Ivan Allen City Hall Atlanta, G€ orgia 30303 Dear I van: I want to congratulate you on your refusal to obey .the demands made at the whim of the self-appointed Negro leader in the Kirkwood district, who claims to be a preacher, to wit, Hosea Williams. He has never been elected by the people to any office. You are the Mayor of Atlanta. If there is any discrepancy in street work, garbage collection, or sewage disposal you have the heads of departments whose duty it is to investigate these matters and in the proper time, correct them. When Hosea Williams refuses to show the heads of city departments the reasons behind his complaints he is acting in a highly capricious and dictorial manner . I phoned your office once before and requested that you be told that it was my opinion that you made a mistake every time you went to a Negr o mass meeting which is organized for the purpose of stating their wrath against the c ity government for any reason. Any citizen should know to go to . the City Hall to make his complaint and I think it humiliates you and your office when you go to a Negro YMCA, church, or school to talk to Negro or white people or Israeli, Arabs, or Egyptians about their dissatisfaction with the performance of some he ad of department in their community. You merely expose yourself to some smart-aleck Negro who gets up and makes a firey speech condemning y ou and the administration of the city government, and at such a meeting common sense and good judgment are thrown out the window. Ivan, I was raised on the other side of the tracks, with Negroes. I have known them for over seventy years. The more you give them, the more they demand. There is no end to their wanting. �Mayor Ivan Allen June 27, 1967 Page Two At one time they would ask, but now they simply demand or else threaten the government. The Police Department is organized to handle these young hoodlums, and it is a mistake for you to expose yourself to these organized riots. I once worked for the Sanitary Department; so did my father and my grandfather. Atlantal s Sanitary Department has continued, and today is giving the best service that Atlanta has received in my lifetime, and I wasn't born yesterday. With personal regards. WFB:ld � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document HERMAN HEYMAN LAW OFFICES EDENFIELD, HEYMAN & SIZEMORE 310 FULTON FEDERAL BUILDING WILLIAM F. BUCHANAN NEWELL EDENFIELD ATLANTA, GEORGIA 30303 OF COUNSEL LAMAR W. SIZEMORE ROBERT G. YOUNG TERRY P. MCKENNA June 27; 1967 ARTHUR HEYMAN ROBERT E. HICKS (867-1951) WILLIAM H. MAJOR W. DAN GREER MAURICE N. MALOOF JOSEPH LEFKOFF BENJAMIN H. OEHLERT II TELEPHONE 521-2266 Mayor Ivan Allen City Hall Atlanta, Georgia 30303 Dear Ivan: I want to congratulate you on your refusal to obey the demands made at the whim of the self-appointed Negro leader in the Kirkwood district, who claims to be a preacher, to wit, Hosea Williams. He has never been elected by the people to any office. You are the Mayor of Atlanta. If there is any discrepancy in street work, garbage collection, or sewage disposal you have the heads of departments whose duty it is to investigate these matters and in the proper time, correct them. When Hosea Williams refuses to show the heads of city departments the reasons behind his complaints he is acting in a highly capricious and dictorial manner. I phoned your office once before and requested that you be told that it was my opinion that you made a mistake every time you went to a Negro mass meeting which is organized for the purpose of stating their wrath against the city government for any reason, Any citizen should know to go to the City Hall to make his complaint and I think it humiliates you and your office when you go to a Negro YMCA, church, or school to talk to Negro or white people or Israeli, Arabs, or Egyptians about their dissatisfaction with the performance of some head of department in their community. You merely expose yourself to some smart-aleck Negro who gets up and makes a firey speech condemning you and the administration of the city government, and at such a meeting common sense and good judg- ment are thrown out the window. Ivan, I was raised on the other side of the tracks, with Negroes. I have known them for over seventy years. The more you give them, the more they demand. There is no end to their wanting. Mayor Ivan Allen June 27, 1967 Page Two At one time they would ask, but now they simply demand or else threaten the government. The Police Department is organized to handle these young hoodlums, and it is a mistake for you to expose yourself to these organized riots. I once worked for the Sanitary Department; so did my father and my grandfather. Atlanta's Sanitary Department has continued, and today is giving the best service that Atlanta has received in my lifetime, and I wasn't born yesterday. With personal regards. Sincerely yours; — hw F Arche WM. F, BUCHANAN WFB:1d *  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 26 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/0edcdfa354c270f10ff5e579cb0ba79c.pdf fd3eb0e78663b37e50ec3a2de9ef42db Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. June 29 , 1967 Mr. Wm. F . Buc hanan Edenfield, Heyman & Sizemore 310 Fulton Federal Building Atlanta , Georgia 30303 Dear Mr. _thchanan : Thank you for your letter of June 27th and for your kind_,. r emarks. I'll try to follow your advice • • • sometimes you have to shoot them on the ground. Sincerely yours, Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor IAJr/br � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document June 29, 1967 Mr. Wm, F,. Buchanan Edenfield, Heyman & Sizemore 310 Fulton Federal Building Atlanta, Georgia 30303 Dear Mr, @achanan: Thank you for your letter of June 27th and for your kind_remarks, I'll try to follow your advice... sometimes you have to shoot them on the ground, Sincerely yours, Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor 1AJr/br  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 25 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/9d82119abf9f9e4c7a765758628e37a3.pdf e2b11294670e4363adba419b7fd464b5 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. INSPECTION TOUR ROUTE Kirkwood/East Lake /Blue Heaven June 30, 1967 Go down Delano Drive, to Rockyford Road Turn left on Rockyford Open Ditch {about 158 Rockyford 237 Vacant House Open Just up the street house with hole on top Go to Wisteria and turn right Go-t._ to Murry Hill and turn right Big house about 248 Go to Sisson and turn right Go into Hill Crest turn left At corner on left side open ditch Go to Oakview turn right Go to Boulevard Drive and cross on Oakview Cn right rooming house On left shopping center site City used to cut grass and brush along side of street Go to Cottage Grove and Lakeview turn left Trash surrounding Boulevard Oakview needs paving Turn left on East Lake Terrace Shopping center sit e Special permit site Turn left and go to top of hill Property along 2281 is being allowed to run down so rezoning can be applied fo r Go to 2525 Memorial Drive - -mass r ezoning Go to East Lake {Rezoned for filling station) Turn left on East Lake Go to 150 East Lake {Rezoned for Apartments) Go to Boulevard and turn left �Inspection Tour Route -2- Go to Saunders turn right Run down house at# 37 Burned house on corner of Halmand St. Turn left on Hallrnand Go to Warren turn right Go to College Avenue turn right Go to Locus turn right Go to 1st House on left Go to Trotti turn right Go back to Warren turn left Go to Boulevard Drive turn right Go to Hutchison turn right Go to LaFrance turn right Go to Mason Little shoppinin g c enter filthy Tur n right on Mayson Go to Amanda turn left See aparhnents F o llow Street o n around t o Wesl e y Turn left on Wesley Turn left at First Stree t See park and pool Return to Wesley and turn left Go to Forte Street Stop at open branch Turn around Go back to Wesley turn left Stop at "cell block" Go to Marona Street turn left June 30, 1967 � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document INSPECTION TOUR ROUTE Kirkwood/East Lake/Blue Heaven June 30, 1967 Go down Delano Drive, to Rockyford Road Turn left on Rockyford Open Ditch (about 158 Rockyford 237 Vacant House Open Just up the street house with hole on top Go to Wisteria and turn right Gotto Murry Hill and turn right Big house about 248 Go to Sisson and turn right Go into Hill Crest turn left At corner on left side open ditch Go to Oakview turn right Go to Boulevard Drive and cross on Oakview Cn right rooming house On left shopping center site City used to cut grass and brush along side of street Go to Cottage Grove and Lakeview turn left Trash surrounding Boulevard Oakview needs paving Turn left on East Lake Terrace Shopping center site Special permit site Turn left and go to top of hill Property along 2281 is being allowed to run down so rezoning can be applied for Go to 2525 Memorial Drive--mass rezoning Go to East Lake (Rezoned for filling station) Turn left on East Lake Go to 150 East Lake (Rezoned for Apartments) Go to Boulevard and turn left Inspection Tour Route -2- Go to Saunders turn right Run down house at # 37 Rurned house on corner of Halmand St. Turn left on Hallmand Go to Warren turn right Go to College Avenue turn right Go to Locus turn right Go to lst House on left Go to Trotti turn right Go back to Warren turn left Go to Boulevard Drive turn right Go to Hutchison turn right Go to LaFrance turn right Go to Mason Little shoppining center filthy Turn right on Mayson Go to Amanda turn left See apartments Follow Street on around to Wesley Turn left on Wesley Turn left at First Street See park and pool Return to Wesley and turn left Go to Forte Street Stop at open branch Turn around Go back to Wesley turn left Stop at ''cell block" Go to Marona Street turn left June 30, 1967  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 24 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/70f34afb6f32d6b5940742938afccf54.pdf ecd1d3a2077599e9c762070c4452cd96 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. MEMORANDUM TO: Honorable Ivan Allen Jr., Mayor of Atlanta, Georgia FROM: Hosea L. Williams, John Evans and Rev. Shopshire, Spokesmen for CODCO SUBJECT: Requests of COD CO DATE: June 30, 1967 I. SANITATION 1. 2. 3. II. III. garbage collection twice weekly trash collection once a week streets swept at least once a week STRICT ENFORCEMENT OF MINIMUM HOUSING CODE STANDARDS 1. property owners owning houses in areas zoned for one-family dwellings shall not be allowed to redesign these houses into two and more family dwellings, rooming, boarding or apartment houses 2. All property owners (residential, business or commercial) shall be required to maintain their property and surroundings in first class order whether occupied or unoccupied. All violators should be prosecuted immediately to the fullest extent of the law. 3. There shall be a strict enforcement of one-family per house in areas zoned as such. RECREATION 1. Lights for baseball diamond and tennis court for the Bessie · Branham Recreation Park. z. An adequate number of r e creation supervisors (hired fr om the the community) to organize and supervise outdoor activity in the much over -crowded Bessie Branham Park (the present staff is insufficient for proper supervision of outside activity) 3. Adequate equipment for the Bessie Branham Park for a wellrounded outdoor recreational program for both youth and adults. �-2- Mayor Ivan Allen Jr. 4. 5. June 30, 1967 Wesley Park a. An adequate number of recreation supervisors (hired from the community) to organize and supervise outdoor activity in the much over-crowded Wesley Park (the pre sent staff is insufficient for proper supervision of outside activity) b. Adequate equipment for the Wesley Park for a well-rounded outdoor r e creational program for both youth and adults. c. Landscape around swimming pool d. Double the pool facilities. DeKalb Memorial Park a. An adequate number of recreation supervisors (hired from the community)to organize and supervise outdoor activity in the much over-crowded DeKalb Memorial Park (t he present sta ff i s insufficie nt fo r prope r supe rvision of outside activity) b. Adequate equipment for the DeKalb Memorial Park for a wellr ounded outdoor recreational program for both yout h a n d adults. 6. A new pa r k from R od gers b a c k t o Warre n, fr om B oulev a r d t o Memo r ial which would include the following (30 a creas of land) a. b. IV. s wim m i ng pool b ranc h fie ld h ou se REZONING P RA CTICES C HANGE D 1. Rezoning petition s a quar terly b a s i s should be considere d by the City Council on 2. Petitions r e j ect e d by the City Council sha ll n ot b e re s ubm itta ble w i t hin a. 12 - month pe r iod. 3. A pe t ition o f 2 /3 o f h omeowners within a radius of eight blocks would be required in order to approve rezoning from residential to commercial or apartments 4o Property s hould not be advertised for commercial use unless already rezoned and approved by the city council as such. �Mayor Ivan Allen Jr. V. -3- June 30, 1967 5. A petition signed by 2/3 of the homeowners within a radius of eight blocks should be re€J:uired to rezone any one..;family dwelling area for any other purpose. 6. A petition of 2/3 of the homeowners within 8 blocks should be be required to secure a special use permit for any residential area 7. Rezoning petitions requireing approval of 2/3 of the homeowners within a eight block radius must be made know to all homeowners in the area by U.S. mail thirty days prior to presentation to the City Council. POLICE PROTECTION 1. Streefu must be better patrolled for speeders. 2. Police patrol should not be confined to just thoroughfares 3. Resp:mse to emergency calls be made more prompt .• 4. Complaints of law violations made to the poljce· department be investigated immediately and the source not be made known. Also a detailed report of the investigation shall be filed in the police records. VI •. SEWAGE VII• . PAVING 1• . Oakview from Boulevard Drive, N.E. to Boulevard Drive, N.E. 2 • . D ixie Street from M emorial Drive to Wyman (The Mayor should tour these streets VIII• . ENCLOSE THE EDGEWOOD CREEK IX. HOUSING 1. X. The city should condemn and acquire the Wesley Homes and the other housing projects and all the residential slum housing. · It should then build a low-rent housing project with adequate recreational facilities. SHOPPING CENTER � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document FROM: SUBJECT: DATE: MEMORANDUM Honorable Ivan Allen Jr., Mayor of Atlanta, Georgia Hosea L. Williams, John Evans and Rev. Shopshire, Spokesmen for CODCO Requests of CODCO June 30, 1967 I, SANITATION 1, 2. 3. garbage collection twice weekly trash collection once a week streets swept at least once a week Il STRICT ENFORCEMENT OF MINIMUM HOUSING CODE STANDARDS l. property owners owning houses in areas zoned for one-family dwellings shall not be allowed to redesign these houses into two and more family dwellings, rooming, boarding or apart- ment houses All property owners (residential, business or commercial) shall be required to maintain their property and surroundings in first class order whether occupiedor unoccupied, All violators should be prosecuted immediately to the fullest extent of the law, There shall be a strict enforcement of one-family per house in areas zoned as such, Ill RECREATION 1, 2. 3. Lights for baseball diamond and tennis court for the Bessie Branham Recreation Park. An adequate number of recreation supervisors (hired from the the community) to organize and supervise outdoor activity in the much over-crowded Bessie Branham Park (the present staff is insufficient for proper supervision of outside activity) Adequate equipment for the Bessie Branham Park for a well- rounded outdoor recreational program for both youth and adults. Mayor Ivan Allen Jr. -2- June 30, 1967 4, Wesley Park a. An adequate number of recreation supervisors (hired from the community) to organize and supervise outdoor activity in the much over-crowded Wesley Park (the present staff is insufficient for proper supervision of outside activity) b. Adequate equipment for the Wesley Park for a well-rounded outdoor recreational program for both youth and adults. c. Landscape around swimming pool d. Double the pool facilities, 5, DeKalb Memorial Park a. An adequate number of recreation supervisors (hired from the community)to organize and supervise outdoor activity in the much over-crowded DeKalb Memorial Park (the pre- sent staff is insufficient for proper supervision of outside activity) b. Adequate equipment for the DeKalb Memorial Park for a well- rounded outdoor recreational program for both youth and adults, 6, A new park from Rodgers back to Warren, from Boulevard to Memorial which would include the following (30 acreas of land) a. swimming pool b. branch field house IV. REZONING PRACTICES CHANGED 1, Rezoning petitions should be considered by the City Council on a quarterly basis 2. Petitions rejected by the City Council shall not be resubmittable within a 12-month period, 3. A petition of 2/3 of homeowners within a radius of eight blocks would be required in order to approve rezoning from residential to commercial or apartments 4, Property should not be advertised for commercial use unless already rezoned and approved by the city council as such, Mayor Ivan Allen Jr. -3- June 30, 1967 VIL. VIl.. VIII. 5. A petition signed by 2/3 of the homeowners within a radius of eight blocks should be required to rezone any one-family dwelling area for any other purpose. A petition of 2/3 of the homeowners within 8 blocks should be be required to secure a special use permit for any residential area Rezoning petitions requireing approval of 2/3 of the homeowners within a eight block radius must be made know to all homeowners in the area by U.S. mailthirty days prior to presentation to the City Council. POLICE PROTECTION 1. Streets must be better patrolled for speeders. 2. Police patrol should not be confined to just thoroughfares 3. Response to emergency calls be made more prompt... 4,.. Complaints of law violations made to the police department be investigated immediately and the source not be made known. Also a detailed report of the investigation shall be filed in the police records, SEWAGE PAVING 1,. Oakview from Boulevard Drive, N.E. to Boulevard Drive, N.E. 2.. Dixie Street from Memorial Drive to Wyman (The Mayor should tour these streets ENCLOSE THE EDGEWOOD CREEK HOUSING 1, The city should condemn and acquire the Wesley Homes and the other housing projects and all the residentiel slum housing. © It should then build a low-rent housing project with adequate recreational facilities, | X, SHOPPING CENTER  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 23 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/23b49faee3888cec8feebe291b92b7c5.pdf c26072d3847721c9c684197e1f7a7b5f Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. I /2.Jl 'foplrut y.t10ve 01U..Ve, N.c. At1mt.ta; qeo~ J'.}P, sena:f.ott 7U.chm,d f<Ud.dell. o.c. ~on, Ot!J'JA. Sw A4 a iDx.pag,eA, c.U.lben. and. ~ .i.n. iAe pLee.e r d ~ "VAi- · of. J; o,u.nhu;, 1 wukl. 11.k ~ J..n.p,Nn pu of. ~ condi.i.i.t,,w 1.n. ilaJA e,U,.y. And ,<J.UJ,ce flOU CVLe a ~en.tt:d:,,lve of. .it.e. peap1.e and J.n. a po~n. i.tJ c1tvu/'I iAe. und.~~"4-1-~ ~ .di:onJ:R.A uAi.d,. I a aho1d Jo ~ to 1 caJJ. JAL:, ~ ,puA. aii:.cni.,J.on.J I ) An. o ~ n exiA-fA ht Atlanb. CJJiJ.ed. t.lt<! Soutl,.eAA. lePd.6Adhi.p (puat.Ll.. Md ol, t.Ae. S .C.l.(,. O ~ n ~ wi.Ji. CJ'Jil ~ ~ wUJ,. hU6i.lt.£M .i.a M e QAIJ.Jd# J.ni.eAJ1J..f!IIJ NetJM • wU:AotJ. ~ 41.on. of. lit ou.n&1. and. gued.J.on ilte oune4 a/xJ1d. c~ peM<Jnal. /J.nan.,:J.al. C t ) ~ . 2. ) TA JUUJll.Uenta:tlve o/ iAe · n,(lt/. ~,,,,, pMCl!AU to ~ tAe OUlleA ika, J/. Cl!AiaJn, • pince of. 6114~ CZ1te. no.I. adJwMd. i.J:>1 .i.n."4 tUi.J.l. b pi..cAt,bd arJ. hofO>ll..l., ) Mu:J:. ,o / e ~ Q l t one(/)~11.£ wi.iA 40J.efv. M rmIMDV, • TA ilwwt of. ilt.U . up u ilw:t a UkJa:11\ M « .~ auo he ~r,u.cu. mUA Ao am. aag ..Upulat I> tit o ~ 71u-, UUIIP.ITLI - tv,~ di i.n.timl.d.all.., ~ ~ ' - ' ~ QW I I, hJUlt9 hacA fa/1.o. t,oe,t; Gd and. .I.Jllplg~ , io ~ ~IM,. Jn. a /Jr.u.. oww. TA o,ndJ.:tl.o,w ~ o/. M fL- and. u «ceMA.U lt!J tU ~ alx,ut.. J.n./o J./ e all• �1.aM ( /01.e.A0,4 d.ai.e, 011. loool,) i.o p;wi.ed :tJi.e .i.nd.ependw. rrwu:1i.ard pt.om .tlti.A :type o{. peMecui:i.on.. t1b.di o/ J.h.eoe [Jt./4i.n.eMM a11e no.t i.n. a po4JU.i.on. io OJmpi.g, w.Wt 4uch. old:Atz!)wU4 d.etl¥1l11U, All. o/ Ud <VLe ~ hJ a,;, hrud. 0,4 po44i.h1.e -!JUppatd:. :tlte f..conoml..c Oppon.turwt,J fJJWgmint and. al.J. oi:luvt locnl., &late, and /ed.<WJ.1. o~an,Laati.oM of. Jh.e. "1ai.J. ~ bv- ~ 40}.2, /.,i Nf!.[)AOf!A and GA mt1'1.ff cu, OIUl. buAi.n.eA4eA can. al.,-aoM. What mDA.e can. we do? .1 anx..i.i.oud.g aaaU ~ and .c1i.nc.e!U!ig h.ope JIOU. w.i.ll /ind iAe ii.me in .i.n.ved:.l.f;cde :th.i..4 pllObi.em uAi..clt IUM be.cmne a ~ expen,le».ee f.o.11.. all. ilte i..nd.e.pendeni:. meA.dv:.m:l:A u.lw4e. 1T0.jtJ.IU.i:.1j of. huid.e <Zll.e i:Ae. Neg,;w~. � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 1237 Poplar Grove Dnive, NeEs Atlanta, Georgia, JOHG Senaton Richard Russell Waskingion, D.C. Dean Sins Aa a taxpayer, citizen and merchant in the free enterprise ayeten of this country, I would Like to inform you of exiating conditions in this city, And since you are a representative of the people and in a position to clarify the underlying cincun= atances uhich I am about to relay to your I call this to your atientions 1) An oaganization exists in Atlanta called the of the S.C.L.C. Operation Breadbasket wil call on. merchants primarily with business in Nezave areas, interview Negroe enployees without pernic~ sion of the owner and question the owner about peasonad finanelal conditions, 2.) The aepresentative of the aforenentioned graup proceeds to threaten the ouner that if certain conditions are not adhered to, his place of bus- dness will be picketed and boycotted, Sn) Moat of these independenta are one (1) atone ounens with solely Negroe employees, the main thaect of this group ds that a woman Negroe cashier must aloo be employed with hours and wages stinulated by the organization. This tyne of intimiclation cannod exist ina free, enw terprising countay ab curse These conditions bring back memories of Naziom and mone recently Mafia tactics ome reads about. I beg and implore you 4o inform me if there are any exiating daus (federal, state, on tocal) io protect the independent merchant fron thia type of persecution, tlnat of these businesses ane not dn a podition to compdy with auch outrageous demande. ALL of us are trying to a6 hand as possible support the Economic Opportunity Program and all other docsd, state, and fed= erad organizations of the aaid type by hining sodely Negroes and aa many, ad our businesses can absorb. What mone can we do? Tt anxiiously avait reply and sincerely hope you wilt find the dime 40 investigate this problen which has become a traumatic experience fon all the independent merchants uhose majarity of drade are the Negroes. Sincerely yours,  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 22 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/5d198bee09d2a567fb596bc01f6389f5.pdf 69fb9a5db3c3274265c0b8ea24f3e3d9 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. -,- July ll, 1967 Miss Estelle Strauss 1237 Poplar Grove Drive, N. E. Atlanta, Georgia 30306 Dear M iss Strauss: This will acknowledge receipt of your letter of July 10th and the copy of your letter to Sena.tor Russell. I certainly appreciate receiving your views and your generous comm.ents. Sincerely yours, Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor IAJr/br � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document July 1, 1967 Miss Estelle Strauss 1237 Poplar Grove Drive, N. E. Atlanta, Georgia 30306 Dear Miss Strauss: This will acknowledge receipt of your letter of July 10th and the copy of your letter to Senator Russell. I certainly appreciate receiving your views and your generous comments. Sincerely yours, Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor lAJr/br  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 21 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/4af83297b13f5c2d250006bb9ea34814.pdf 84b9ee875187332e1e5e0eab75ceb148 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. '·~ Dear GP.o rg : I guP-ss I ' ll always ... hink of you as very nice. he enclosed lA+ ... ,r p ...o ...h~ Mayor , is a sor+ of 11_...... l Porsonal s.""raigh~ +allc - in my own fashion - which is op-nbook D self pn+Prprisi(\g and lib,...r.e-y loving • ""ear i"" up - or le + "h. ~ 0 .Am1'n e You aan lila.yor cuss , reading 1"" . hav~ been bugg d by SP.VPral IM mb,...rs of Black Power . Sine~ I •m alo~ in .a.hp shop o:f ... P.n - ... h~y s ... alk in - wan ...... he res.., room - jobs (ha , ... ha... 1 s a laugh} or ha""s - non° of which hav,.. ... o offer , ... hank ... he Lord. rP- s+ room i ... would no+- bP ... alismao s.&.a-"u ... hre did hav 0 a private o~n ... o ... ~ pub lie. righ+s + oo .. · Insis ......ha"' I do ! I can poin ... ou"" ... mi, ~ BUT if I hav~ o iv 11 And in,..P-nd ... o s ... and up for •~m. , nigras who •or~ up my :Mamma's li+"-le - wi ...h an iron pi • No USP ... rying whi ... P. ?OPlP have +axa"'ion wi ... hou ... represen,..a-4ion. ... o pro ... Big mone1 kePPS boing paid ou+ ... o hush ... tB blackmailers +-hrea .... ning rio+s . ax mo Dfl'Y - you SP.•? And som~ row i: his riles met. I ... hinlc lo .. s of pP-Oplll' aria giii-"'+ing riled 1.a. really doe • i ... h "'he imbalano • I hav~ ... old Niok I in ...Pnd +o s+-ubborcly s+ay in business. like oballPngP. CJ1 I ~al -i" I jus'- ... akP a s ... and and in ...Pnd +-o back i+- - wi+h my lifia if DPCPssary. I•s +-hp principle of .,hP ...hing. I oallPd ... hP PolioP DP.par""mPn• +-o ask abou+ criim prPVPD-41.on • . . ar old fPmalP do vb.'-'n ..,hr/!>a+pnffl? "Pu ... in a buzv•r" I was ... old. "Call ...h,.. Polioe"- I wa o... me • Col+ - 32. I couldn ' ... wa+ a fly bu+ I oould LOVP. and kiSS fl!l S .a.old? I 'm ... o+ in ' a ess up wild dog • � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document ft, i (i 67 Dear George: I guess I'll always *hink of you as very nice. The enclosed let*er, *o *he Mayor, is a sor* of 1i**le personal s*raigh* *alk - in my own fashion - which is open- book, self enterprising and liber*y loving. Amen. You can tear i* up - or le* *he Mayor cuss, reading i*. We have been bugged by several members of Black Power. Since I'm alone in *he shop often - ‘hey s*alk in - wnt *he res* room - jobs (ha, *ha*'s a lavgh) or hats = none of which we have +o offer, *hank *he Lord. BUT if we did have a private res* room i* would no* be open *o *he public. I have civil rights +00. Insis* *ha* I do! And intend *o stand up for ‘em. I can poin* ou* *he *hree nigras who *ore up my Mamma's li**le *alisman s*ta*ue - with an iron pipe. No use ‘pying *O pro= secute *hem because its a disadvan*age *o be white these days - white people have *axa*ion without represen*ation. Big money keeps being paid ou*+ *0 hush *l blackmailers *hrea*ening riots. Tax money - you see? And somehow this riles me. I* red ly does. I *hink lots of people are g+*ing riled with the imbalance. Nav I have *old Nick I intend +o s*ubbornly stay in hosliebads. I ray like a challenge. I jus* *ake a stand and intend *o back i+ - with my life if necessary. I*s *he principle of “he *hing. I called *he Police Depar*men* *o ask abou* Grim prevention. Wha* should a bea*-up, skinny 61 year old female do when threatenal "Pu* ina buzzer" I was *old. "Call +he Police"- I was ‘ola? And stand by while rioters raise hell? Not me. I'm *o*in' a Gol+ = 32. I coulan'* swat a fly but I could mess up wild dogs. > eS 4 f? Love enakisees de.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 20 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/ccb659203cc85854f0b4f1f194e5f633.pdf 340c3e09ddc54e02f90bbefed07c1e89 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. I •,· Dear Mayor All"' n: I sup os 0 my opinions do noL raL 0 muoh wi+h you also , having a cold Lhis Am - good folks aL Gi+y Hall. I gu0 es I'm grouchy. How 0 ver, SP.VPral ous+omP.rs hav oomo in+o +M shop - all wi+h curling lips - and opiniona ... l'!'d - mys 0 lf h 0 ard you ovPr and ovPr on V and Radio - my rea~+ions w~rP. , alas , +h~ samP as +he early cus+omers +his morning e Hoooy , you +a.lk VPry val1°n+ +o som~ folks - and from ,..he o,...her side of your mou ... h 0 when +_re Negroes lay down +-he la 't'hQ Adam ' s Clo+hing s ... or las+ Monday . Had v.e be~n O?n was ...he vic+im of wP e +re R d-Hooda also v.ould have been hi+. I am glad~ werP. +alking wi+h ... he birds in+~ ooun+ry becaus if anyone - I rrean anyol'l!:!' - had call.Pd m0 wha"" ...h~y called +he managP.r of Adam's Clo+hing, i ... would havP. been dP.:fending my honor ... o hav plan+-~d a bull""+ righ ... be ... w~"'n ... hP '3,~s of ... h .e Communis+s +aking ovP-r in our Coun ... ry e I'm a very good s:io+ . None of ...hesP- rio+"rs, including Carmichael, S'f'AY in Jail . 'Their oasPs arP immt3diatoly SP"' back mon"'hs. oases ar,:,. no ... +hings . ~VPD pos ...Pd - big d al! Bonds, in some Now pe opl~ no+icA "'h~sa Business p~oplP a~ gP. ...... ing fed up wi+h in"'imida"'ion .. ... hree.+ · and mayhem. Vo ... ~rs are ... oo e Wha,.. a sa.d si"'ua"'ion . lifa+ ... er of faa ... , I hPar, by +hP. gra.pAvin~ down+own here, +ha• Fu.l+on Oouo+y, l(p ... r 10 +-lan+a. oan and will, have a negro Mayor wh~nev~ r ,.. ~y gP,... +-hrough using you. Sincerely 9 ., . IIRN~L WA'i � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Dear Mayor Allen: | I suppose my opinions do no* ra*e much with you good folks a* Gity Hall, Also, having a cold *his Am - I guees I'm grouchy. However, several cus*omers have come into *he shop ~ all with curling lips - and opinionated - abou* your *alk +o *he Wes* "nd white vo*ers;.yesterday. I myself heard you over and over on TV and Radio - my reactions were, alas, *he same as *he early eaateusrs +his morning. Honey, you *alk very valien* *o some folks - and from *he other side of your mou*h, when *f Negroes lay down *he law. The Adam's Clothing store was *he victim of *he Red-Hoods las+ Monday. Had we been open we also wuld have been hit, I am glad we were *alking with *he birds in +ha oountey because if anyone - I mean anyone - had called me what *hey called *he manager of Adam's Clo*+hing, i* would have been defending my honor *o have planted a bulle* righ* be*+ween *he eyes of *he Communis*s taking over in our Country. I'm a very good mo*. None of *hese rioters, including Carmicheel, STAY in jail. Their cases are immediately se* back mon*hs. Bonds, in some cases are no* even posted - big deal! Now people no*ice *hese *hings. Business people are ge**ing fed up with in*imidation - *hrea*s and mayhem. Voters are *00. What a sad situation. Ma*+*er of fact, I hear, by ‘he grapevine down*+own here, *ha* Fulton County, Me+ro Atlanta, can and will, have a negro Mayor whenever *hey ge*+ *hrough using you. So? Sineerely Be KH ; f MCOGS ( Nicole+*e G. Flesser 9 JOURNAL WAY  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 19 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/e53b6bd76bdd4dc1d8d13470432c5e23.pdf 2ac377c55a09c3041764f04cf3a41efe Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. July 10, 1967 Mrs . Nicolette G . Flesser 9 Journal Way Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mrs . Fle ser: Many thanks foz your letters stating your views a·b out the way things are going now. We appreciate hearing from the public, especially Atlantians . 1 hope you had an opportunity to see the Mayor on television on Thursday after bis addre to the We t End Kiwani Club. If not, please try to r ad the new paper article in Friday morning ' s Constitution. Maybe the tide is turning. Sincerely, George A . Roy 1 CiAR:eo I --- - --- -------~----........ � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document July 10, 1967 Mrs. Nicolette G. Flesser 9 Journal Way Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mrs. Flesser: Many thanks for your letters stating your views about the way things are going now. We appreciate hearing from the public, especially Atlantians. I hope you had an opportunity to see the Mayor on television on Thursday after his address to the West End Kiwanis Club. If not, please try to read the newspaper article in Friday morning's Constitution. Maybe the tide is turning. Sincerely, George A. Royal GAR:eo  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 18 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/0ef69fc2de1015c32516b201455f2a93.pdf 0f3d27f4c2ff6e54eb00b4396b431ce2 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. I July 11, 1967 Mrs . L. H. Pound 675 Amsterdam Avenue Atlanta, Georgia 30306 Dear Mrs . Pound: 1 certainly appreciate your taking the time to write me exp-res sing your views . May I assure you that they will receive zny thoughtful consideration. Sincerely your , Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor IAJr/br � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document July ll, 1967 Mrs. L. H. Pound 675 Amsterdam Avenue Atlanta, Georgia 30306 Dear Mrs. Pound: I certainly appreciate your taking the time to write me expressing your views. May I assure you that they will receive my thoughtful consideration. Sincerely yours, Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor lAJr/br  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 17 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/397e850185952db64935e3a23ce58746.pdf 0d485c73bf7ef0e4b98fdb2d7750a1cc Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. SAM J . WELSCH ATTOR NE Y AT L AW 64 S. PAR K S QUARE MA RIETTA , G E ORGIA Jul y 8,1967 Mayor I van Al len, City Hall, Atlanta,Georgia. Dear Mr . Mayor: The headline , "CITY (ATLANTA ) i'v ILL NOT BE INTIMIDATED BY VIOLENCE , MAYOR(ALLEN ) ARNS", as published on the front page of The Atlanta Constitution , July 7,1 967, was accepted quite favorably by the public in this area. The crying need of this day and generation is for the leaders of Government , be it City ,County, State ,or National,to resist lawlessness and violence courage ously, regardless of whether any such violence be brought about by the white , bla ck, yel low, or purple,or by a mixture of any of them. I do wish so sincerely tha t the President of the United States would take a firm,positive stand against lawlessness,riots,and violence in this country . ith my very best wishes,I ami Res SJW/s cc: Honorable L. B. Johnson, President, Wash ing ton, D. C' . e J: ly, � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SAM J. WELSCH ATTORNEY AT LAW 64 S. PARK SQUARE MARIETTA, GEORGIA July 8,1967 Mayor Ivan Allen, City Hall, Atlanta,Georgia. Dear Mr. Mayor: The headline, "CITY (ATLANTA)WILL NOT RE INTIMIDATED BY VIOLENCE , MAYOR (ALLEN) WARNS", as published on the front page of The Atlanta Gonstitution, July 7,1967,was accepted quite favorably by the public in this area, The crying need of this day and generation is for the leaders of Government,be it City,County,State,or National,to resist lawlessness and violence courageously,regardless of whether any such violence be brought about by the white,black,yellow,or purple,or by a mixture of any of them. I do wish so sincerely that the President of the United States would take a firm,positive stand against lawlessness,riots,and violence in this country. With my very best wishes,I am Respe ly, sJw/s Jé sey ccs Honorable L. B. Johnson, President, Washington,D. ©.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 16 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/b81c692155ec32cb610b4e81bb264e42.pdf abd95dfa32c6954d20040266418cbbc0 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. J'uly 10, 1967 Mr. Sam J . Welsch 64 S. Park Square Marietta, Georgia Dear Mr . Wel ch: I appreciate your letter of July 8th and your upport of my position outlined in the article in the Atlanta Constitution of July 7th. Sincerely yours , Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor lAJr/br ( / � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document July 10, 1967 Mr. Sam J. Welsch 64S. Park Square Marietta, Georgia Dear Mr. Welsch: I appreciate your letter of July 8th and your support of my position outlined in the article in the Atlanta Constitution of July 7th. Sincerely yours, Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor lAJr/br  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 15 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/92da08bea5f9f71d868ceab793f808bb.pdf dacd301eae8d2a6b436dcdc5a7ecd7e7 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. July 10, 1967 R verend J. D. Grier, Jr. 596 Glen Irie Drive, N. E .. Atlanta, G , rgia 30308 De r Reverend Grier: In reply to your wire ration Br dba ket,. I would su ge t th t you communic t ith th nagement of the R g ncy Hotel concerning the areas of discrimination which you mention d. Should there any t r of per on 1 discou;rte i you m y w.ish to bring to . ttentio11 of th Community R l tiona Commha ion of City of Atl nta. you ahoulcl con ct I',. Irving Kal r . I m dvieiug him of your ir • li you feel that ny provi ions of the Civil Righ Bill have en violated., they hould r ported to th Ju tic rtment. Sincerely, 11 JAJr:am ec: r. Ir lng Kaler , Jr. � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document July 10, 1967 Reverend J. D. Grier, Jr. 596 Glen Iris Drive, N. E. Atlanta, Georgia 30308 Dear Reverend Grier: In reply to your wire as Call Man of Operation Breadbasket, I would suggest that you communicate with the management of the Regency Hotel concerning the areas of discrimination which you mentioned. Should there be any matters of personal discourtesies you may wish to bring to the attention of the Community Relations Commission of the City of Atlanta, you should contact Mr. Irving Kaler. Iam advising him of your wire. If you feel that any provisions of the Civil Rights Bill have been violated, they should be reported to the Justice Department. Sincerely, Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayer IAJr:am ec: Mr. Irving Kaler  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 14 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/68f9b061e1632f81a1b11a5856241d76.pdf fb9a2f2872d9ccfe8f4b90c00020d80f Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. - ---- ~----------~-- - --- - - - - ----- by James P. Comer e Social Power of the Negro ~---- Reprinted with J:!Frm 1ss1on. Copyright ~ 1967 by Scientific American, Jnc. All ri ghl reserved. l - i ( 'If I 20 �The concept of "black power" is an infl amm atory one. It was introduced in an atmosphere of militancy (during James Meredith's march through Mississippi last June) and in many quarters it has been equated with violence and riots. As a result the term distresses white friends of the Negro, frightens and angers others and causes many Negroes who are fearful of white disapproval to reject the concept without considering its rationale and its merits. The fact is th at a form of black power may be absolutely essential. The experience of Negro Americans, supported by numerous historical and psychological studies, suggests that the profound needs of the poorest and most alienated Negroes cannot be met-,-and that there can therefore be no end to racial unrest-except through the influence of a unified , organized Negro community with genuine political and economic power. Why are Negro effo rts to ach ieve greater unity and power considered unnecessary and even dangerous by so many people, Negro as well as white, friends as well as enemies? I believe it is because the functions of group power - and hence the consequences of political and economic impotence-are not understood by most Americans. The "melting pot" myth has obscured the critical role of group power in the adj ustment of white immi grant groups in this country. When immigrants were fa ced with discrimi nation, exploitation and abuse, they turned in on th emselves. Sustained psychologically by the bonds of their cultural heritage, they maintai ned family, religious, and social institutions that had great stabilizing force . The institutions in turn fostered group unity. Family stability and group unity-plus access to political machinery, jobs in industry and opportunities on the frontier- led to group power: immigrants voted, gained political influence, held public office, owned land and operated businesses. Group power and influence expanded individual opportunities and facilitated individual achievement, and within one or two generations most immigrants en joyed the benefits of firstclass American citizenship. The Negro experience has been very different. The traumatic effects of separation from Africa, slavery, and the denial of political and economic opportunities after the abolition of slavery created divisive psychological and social forces in the Negro community. Coordinated group action, which was certainly appropriate for a despised minority, has been too little evid ent; Negroes have seldom moved cohesively and effectively against discrim ination and exploitation. These abuses led to the creation of an impoverished , und ereducated, and al ienated group-a sizable minority among Negroes, disproportionately large compared with other ethnic groups. This troubled minority has a self-defeating "style" of li fe that leads to repeated fa ilure, and its plight and its reaction to that plight are at the core of the continuing racial conflict in the U.S. Only a mea ningful and powerful Negro community can help members of this group realize their potenti al, and thus alleviate racial unrest. The importance of "black power" becomes comprehensible in the light of the interrelation of disunity, impotence, and alienation. The roots of Negro division are of African origin. It is important to realize that the slave contingents brought out of Africa were not from a single ethnic group. They were from a nu mber of groups and from many different tribes with different languages, custom s, traditions , and ways of life. Some were farmers, some hunters and gatherers, some traders. There were old animosities, and these were exacerbated by the dynamics of the slave trade itself. (Today these same tribal animosities are evident, as in Nigeria, wh ere centuries-old conflict among the Ibo, Hausa, and Yoruba tribes threatens to disrupt the nation. A significant num ber of slaves came from these very tribes.) T he cohesive potential of the captives was low to begin with , a nd the breakup of kinship groupings, which in Africa had defined people's roles and rel ations, decreased it fu rther. Presu mably if the Africa ns had been settled in a free land , they would in time h ave organized to build a new society meeting their own needs. Instead they were organized to meet the needs of th eir masters. The sl aves were scattered in sm all groups (the average holding was only between two and five slaves) that were isol ated from one another. The small number and mixed origins of each plantation's slaves made the maintenance of any oral tradition, and thus of any tribal or racial identity and pride, impossible. Moreover, any group ing that was potentially cohesive because of family, kinship , or tribal con nections was deliberately divided or tightly controlled to prevent rebellion. Having absolute power, the master could buy and sell, could decree cohabitation, punishment or death, could provide food , shelter, and clothing as he saw fit. The system was engraved 21 �O -~~ "" • - ,-...._ I .·. I '...., _'f -~ - /)\ J I ' I .,--:.,~ J .! in law and maintained by the religious and political authorities and the armed forces; the high visibility of the slaves and the lack of places to hide made escape almost inconceivable. The powerless position of the slave was traumatic, as Stanley M. E lkins showed in his study of Negro slavery. The male was not the respected provider, the protector and head of his household. T he female was not rearing her child to take his place in a rewarding society, nor could she count on protection from her spouse or any responsible male. The reward for hard work was not material goods and the recognition of one's fellow men but only recognition from the master as a fa ithful but inferior being. The master - "the man"-became the necessary object of the slave's emotional investment, the person whose approval he needed. T he slave could love or hate or have ambivalent feelings about the relationship, but it was the most important relationship of his life. In this situation self-esteem depended on closeness or similarity to the master, not on personal or group power and achievement, and it was gained in ways that tended to divide the Negro pop ulation. H ouse slaves looked down on field hands, "mixedbloods" on "pure blacks," slaves with rich and important masters on slaves whose masters had less prestige. T here was cleavage between the " troublemakers" who promoted revolt and sabotage and the "good slaves" who betrayed them, and between slave Negroes and free ones. The development of positive identity as a Negro was scarcely possible. 22 It is often assumed that with the end of the Civil War the situation of the free Negroes was about the same as that of immigrants landing in America. In reality- it was quite different. Negroes emerging from slavery entered a society at a peak of racial antagonism. They had long since been stripped of their African heritage; in their years in America they had been unable to create much of a record of their own; they were deeply marked by the degrading experience of slavery. Most significant, they were denied the weapons they needed to become part of American life : economic and political opportunities. No longer of any value to their former masters, they were now direct competitors of the poor whites. The conditions of life imposed by the " Black codes" of the immediate postwar period were in many ways as harsh as slavery had been. In the first two years after the end of the war many Negroes suffered violence and death at the hands of unrestrained whites; there was starvation and extreme dislocation. In 1867 the Reconstruction Acts put the South under mil itary occupation and gave freedmen in the 11 Southern states the right to vote. (In the North, on the other hand, Negroes continued to be barred from the polls in all but nine states, either by specific racial qualifications or by prohibitive taxation. Until the Fifteenth Amendment was ratified in 1870, only some 5 per cent of the Northern Negroes could vote.) The Reconstruction Acts also provided some military and legal protection, educational opportunities, and health care. Reconstruction did not, however, make enough land available to Negroes to create an adequate power base. The plantation system meant that large numbers of Negroes· remained under tight control and were vulnerable ~ to economic reprisals. Although Ne. groes could outvote wh ites in some states and did in fact control the LouisiaDa and South Carolina legislatures, the franchise did not lead to real power. .This lack of power was largely due to the Negro's economic vulnerability, but the group divisions that had developed during slavery also played a part. It was the "mixed-bloods" and the house slaves of middle- and upperclass whites who had acquired some education and skills under slavery; now many of these people ·became Negro leaders. They often had emotional ties to whites and a need to please them, and they advanced the cause· of the Negroes as a group most gingerly. Moreover, not understanding the causes of the apathy, lack of achievement, and asocial behavior of some of their fellows, many of them found their Negro identity a source of shame rather than psychological support, and they were ready to subordinate the needs of the group to personal gains that would give them as much social and psychological distance from their people as possible. The result was that Negro leaders, with some notable exceptions, often became the tools of white leaders. Through out the Reconstruction period meaningful Negro power was being destroyed, and long before the last Negro disappeared from Southern legislatures Negroes were powerless. Under such circumstances Negro economic and educational progress was severely inhibited. Negro-owned businesses were largely dependent on the impoverished Negro community and were operated by people who had little education or experience and who found it difficult to secure financing; they could not compete with white businesses. Negroes were largely untrained for anything but farm labor or domestic �- -- - - -- - - - - -- -- -- - - - ~- - - - - - - - -- - - work, and a white social structure maintaining itself through physical force and economic exploitation was not likely to provide the necessary educational opportunities. Minimal fac ilities, personnel and funds were provided for the "Negro schools" that were established, and only the most talented Negroes were able-if they were luckyto obtain an education comparable to that available to whites. As John Hope Franklin describes it in R econstruction after the Civil War, the Reconstruction was ineffective for the vast majority of Negroes, and it lasted only a sh ort time: Federal troops had left most Southern states by 1870. While Negroes were still stru ggling for a first foothold, national political developments made it advisable to placate Southern leaders, and the Federal troops were recalled from the last three Southern states in 18 77 . There was a brief period of restraint, but it soon gave way to violence and terror on a large scale. Threats and violence drove Negroes away from the polls. Racist sheriffs, legislators, and judges came into offi ce. Segregation laws were passed, buttressed by cou rt decisions and law enforcement practices, and erected into an institution that rivaled slavery in its effectiveness in excluding Negroes from public affairs-business, the labor movement, government, and public education. 'At the time-and in later years-white people often pointed to the most depressed and unstable Negro and in effec t made his improvement in education and behavior a condition for the granti ng of equal opportunities to all Negroes . Wh at kind of people made up this most disadvantaged segment of the Negro- community? I believe it can be shown that these were the Negroes who had lived under the most traumatic and disorganized conditions as slaves. Family life had been prohibited , discouraged or allowed to exist only under precarious conditions, with no recourse fro m sa le, separation, or sexual violation. Some of these people had been treated as breeding stock or work animals; many had experienced brutal and sadistic physical and sexual assaults. In many cases the practice of reli gion was forbidden , so that even self-respect as "a child of God" was denied them. Except for running away (and more tried to escape than has generally been realized) th ere was nothing these slaves could do but adopt various defense mech ani sms. They respond ed in various ways, as is poignantly recorded in a collection of firstha nd accounts obtained by Benjamin A. Botkin. Many did as li ttle work as they could without being punished, thus developing work habits that were not conducive to success after slavery. Many sabotaged the master's tools and other property, thus evolving a disrespect for property in general. Some resorted to a massive· denial of the real ity of their lives and took refuge in apathy, thus creating the slow-moving, slow-thinking stereotype of the Southern Negro. Others resorted instead to boisterous "acting out" behavior and limited their interests to the fulfillment of such basic needs a~ food and sex. After slavery these patterns of be- - - --- ··1!"---.-_.._ ( 23 - �- - - - A, i havior persisted. The members of this severely traumatized group did not value family life. Moreover, for economic reasons and by force of custom the family often lacked a male head, or at least a legal husband and father. Among these people irresponsibil ity, poor work habits, disregard for conventional standards, and anger toward whites expressed in violence toward one another combined to form a way of life- a style-that caused them to be rejected and despised by whites and other Negroes alike. They were bound to fa il in the larger world. When they did fail, they turned in on their own subculture, which accordingly became self-reinforcing. Children born into it learned its way of life. Isolated and also insulated from outside influences, they had little opportun ity to change. The values, behavior patterns and sense of alienation transmitted within this segment of the population from generation to generation account for the bulk of the illegitimacy, crime, and other types of asocial behavior that are present in disproportionate amounts in the Negro community today. This troubled subgroup has· always been a minority, but its behavior constitutes many white people's concept of "typical" Negro behavior and even tarnishes the image many other Negroes have of themselves. Over the years defensive Negro leaders have regularly blamed the depressed subgroup for creating a bad image; the members of the subgroup have blamed the leaders for " selling out." There has been just enough truth in both accusations to keep them alive, accentuating division and perpetuating conflicts, and impeding the development of group consc'iousness, cooperation, power, and mutual gains. It is surprising, considering the h ar.s h 24 conditions of slavery, . that there were any Negroes who made a reasonable adjustment to freedom. Many h ad come from Africa with a set of values that included hard work and stability of fam ily and tribal life. (I suspect, but I have not been able to demonstrate, that in Africa many of these had been farmers rather than hunters and gatherers. ) As slaves many of them found the support and rewards required to maintain such values through their intense involvement in religion . From this group, after slavery, came the Godfearing, hardworking, law-abiding domestics and laborers who prepared their children for responsible living, in many cases making extreme personal sacrifices to send them to trade school or college. (The significance of this church-oriented background in motivating educational effort and success even today is indicated by some preliminary findings of a compensatory education program for which I am a consultant. Of 125 Negro students · picked for the program from 10 southeastern states solely on the basis of academic prom~ ise, 95 per cent have parents who are regular churchgoers, deeply involved as organizers and leaders in church affa irs. ) For a less religious group of Negroes the discovery of meaning, fulfillment, and a sense of worth lay in a different direction. Their creative talents brought recogniti'on in the arts, created the blues and jazz, and opened the entertainment industry to Negroes. Athletic excellence provided another kind of achievement. Slowly, from among the religious, the creative, and the athletic, a new, educated, and talented middle class began to emerge that had less need of white approval than the Negroes who had managed tq get ahead in earlier days. Large numbers of Ne- groes should have risen into the middle class by way of these relatively stable groups, but because of the lack of Negro political and economic power and the barriers of racial prejudice many could not. Those whose aspirations were frustrated often reacted destructively by turning to the depressed Negro subgroup and its way of life; the subculture of failure sh aped by slavery gained new recruits and was perpetuated by a white society's obstacles to acceptance and achievement. In the past 10 years or so the "Negro revolt"-the intensifi~d legal actions, nonviolent demonstrations, court decisions, and legislation-and changing economic conditions have brought rapid and significant ga ins for middleclass Negroes. The mass of low-income Negroes have made little progress however; many have been aroused by civil rights talk but few have benefited. Of all Negro families, 40 per cent are clas- , sified as "poor" according to Social Security Admi nistration criteria. (The figure for white families is 11 per cent.) Low-income Negroes have menial jobs or are unemployed; they live in segregated neighborhoods and are exploited by landlords and storekeepers; they are often the victims of crime and of the violent, displaced fr ustrations of their friends and neighbors. The urban riots of the past few years have been the reaction of a small segment of this population to the frustrations of its daily existence. �[' -- - ,,., ·_ ...; I· ,,i · lI ' I -.~.. f',..i , .;.;;_ , , • I -- - ' I _.,. l ,::>~-:: . '! .·· k.;.: ·_·~~:::.J'{ :·: . '~{ -'-!.,._'.,.:-.•:>:.-:,,•,.w.a. -··'-...,~ w~-------·'--'~· " ~ -----~ ....Ul,1 . .,:;'_ .l . Why is it that so many Negroes h ave been un able to take advantage of the Negro revolt as the immigrants did of opportunities offered them? The major reason is that the requirements for economic success have been ra ised. The virtuall y free land on the frontier is gone. T he unskilled and semisk ill ed jobs that were ava ilable to wh ite immigran ts are scarce today, and many unions controll ed by lower-middle-class wh ites bar Negroes to keep the jobs for their present members. The law does not help here because Negroes are underrepresented in municipal and state legislative bodies as well as in Congress. Negroes hold few pol icymaking positions in industry and Tegro small businesses are a negligible source of employment. Employment opportunities exist, of course- for highly skilled workers and technicians. Th ese jobs require education and training that many Negroes, along with many white workers, lack. The training takes time and requires motivation, and it must be based on satisfactory education through high school. Most poor Negroes lack that education , and many young Negroes are not getting it today. There are Negro childre n who are performing adequately in elementary school but who will fail by the time they reach high school, either because their schools are in adequate or because their homes and subculture will simply not sustain their efforts in later years. It is not enough to provide a "head start"; studies have sh own th at gains made as the result of the new preschool enrichment programs are lost, in most cases, by the third grade. Retraining programs for workers and programs for high school dropouts are palliative measures that have limited value. Some of the jobs for which people are being tra ined will not ex ist in a few years. Many stude nts drop out of the dropout progra ms. Other students have such self-defeat ing values and behavior that they wi ll not be employable even if they complete th e programs . A number of investigators (Daniel P. Moynihan is one) have po inted to the st ru cture of the poorer Negro fam il y as the key to Negro problems. They po int to a n important area but miss the cru x of the problem. Certa inly the lack of a stable family deprives many Negro ch ildren of psychological security and of the va lues and behavior patterns they need in order to achieve success. Certainly many low-income Negro fam ilies lack a father. Even if it were possible to legislate the father back into the home, however, the grim picture is unchanged if his own values and conduct are not compatible with achievement. A father frustrated by society often reacts by mistreating his ch ildren . Even adeq uate parents despair and are helpless in a subculture th at leads the ir children astray. The point of intervention must be the subculture that impinges on the family and in fl uences its values and style of behavior and even its structure. How, then, does one break the circle? Many white children who found their immigrant fam ily and subculture out of step with the dominant American culture and with their own desires were able to break away and establish a sense of belonging to a group outside their own-if the pull was strong enough . Some chi ldren in the depressed Negro group do this too. A specific pull is often needed: some individual or institution that sets a goal or acts as a model. The trouble is that racial prejudice and alienation from the white and Negro middle class often mean that there is little pull from the dominant culture on lower-class Negro children. In my work in schools in disadvantaged areas as a consultant from the Child Study Center at Yale I have found that many Negro children perceive the outside cul ture as a separate white man's world. Once they are 12 or 14 years old- the age at wh ich a firm sense of racial identity is established- many Negroes have a need to shut out the white man's world and its va lues and insti tutions and also to reject "wh ite Negroes," or the Negro middle class. Since these children see their problems as being rac ial ones, they are more likely to learn how to cope with these problems from a middle-class Negro who extends h imself than from a white person, no matter how honest and free of hostility and guilt the white person may be. 25 �r . I i ·1 () .-\ ·:: I ..·.. \ ' . ·-) _J \ I, I 'i\',\, , ; ' i t , f, t I ri·. • ~ • ., I ' ' ! • t f j, t I t I L- 26 ( ' I ,,' . Unfortunately the Negro community is not now set up to offer its disadvantaged members a set of standards and a psychological refuge in the way the white immigrant subcultures did . There is no Negro institution beyond the family that is enough in harmony with the total American culture to transmit its behavioral principles and is meaning ul enough to Negroes to effect adherence to those principles and sufficiently accepted by divergent elements of the Tegro community to act as a cohesive force. The church comes cl osest to performing th is function, but Negroes belong to an excep tional number of different denominations, and in many cases the denominations are divided and antagonistic. The same degree of division is found in the major fraternal and civic organizations and even in civil rights groups. There is a special reason for some of the sharp divisions in Negro organizations. With Negroes largely barred from business, politics and certain labor unions, the quest for power and leadersh ip in Negro organizations has been and continues to be particularly intense, and there is a great deal of conflict. Only a few Negroes have a broad enough view of the total society to be able to identify the real sources of their difficulties. And the wide divergence of their interests often makes it difficult for them to agree on a coursf; of action. All these factors make Negro groups vulnerable to divide-and-conquer tactics, either inadvertent or deliberate. Viewing such disarray, altruis ic white people and publ ic an private agencies have moved into the apparent vacuum-often failing to recognize that, in spite of conflict, existing Negro insti tutions were meeting important psychological needs and were in close �contact with their people. Using these meaningful institutions as vehicles for delivering new social services would have strengthened the only forces capable of supporting and organizing the Negro community. Instead, the new age ncies, public and private, have ignored the existi ng inst itutions and have tried to do the job themselves. The agencies often have storefro nt locations and hire some "indigenous" workers, but the cl ass and racial gap is difficult to cross. The thong-sandaled, long-haired white girl doing employment counseling may be friendly and sympathetic to Negroes, but she cannot possibly tell a Negro youngster (indeed, she does not know that she should tell him ) : "You've got to look better than the white applicant to get the job." Moreover, a disadvantaged Negro- or any Negro- repeatedly helped by powerful wh ite people while his own group appears powerless or unconcerned is unlikely to develop satisfactory feeli ngs about his group or himself. The effects of an undesirable racial self- concept among many Negroes have been documented repeatedly, yet many current programs tend to perpetuate this basic problem rather than to relieve it. A solution is suggested by the fact that this mech an ism Negroes who had many successful Negroes no longer feel achieved success cou ld come in contact the need to maintain psychological and with the large r Negro group. nstead social distance from their own people. of the policy king, pimp, and prostitute Many of them wa nt to help. Their pres- being the models of success in the subence and tangible involvement in the cul ture, the Negro ath lete, businessNegro comm unity would tend to bal- man, professional, and entertainer ance the pull-the comforts and the mi ght become the models once they immediate pleasures-of the subcul- could be respected because they were ture. Because the functions of Negro obviously workin g for the Negro comorganizations have been largely pre- munity. These leaders would then be empted by white agencies, however, in a pos ition to encourage and promote no Negro institution is available throu gh hi gh-level performance in school and which such people can work to over- on the job. At the same time broad come a cen tury of intra- egro cl ass measures to "institutional ize" the total alienation. Negro experience would increase raRecently a few Negroes have begun ci al pride, a powerfu l motivating force . to consider a plan that could meet some The entire program wou ld provide the of the practical needs, as well as the fo undat ion for unified politicai' action sp iritu al and psychological needs, of to give the Negro community reprethe Negro communi ty. In Cleveland, sentatives who speak in its best interNew York, Los An geles, and some ests. That, after all, has been the pattern smaller cities new leaders are emerging who prop ose to increase Negro co- in white America . There was, and still hesiveness and self-respect through self- is, Irish power, German, Polish, Ital ian, hel p enterprises: cooperatives that and . Jewish power-and in deed white would reconstruct slums or operate Anglo-Saxon Protestant power-but apa rtm ent buildings and businesses color obviously makes these groups providing goods and services at fa ir less clearly identifiable than Negroes . prices. Ideally these enterpr ises would Churches and synagogues, cultural and be owned by people wh o mean some- fratern al societies, unions, business asthing to the Negro com muni ty- Ne- sociations, and networks of allied famgro ath letes, entertain ers, artists, pro- ilies and "clans" have served as centers fessionals, and government workersof power that maintain group conand by Negro churches, fraternal sciousness, provide jobs and develop groups, and civil rights organ izations . new opportunities, and join to form The owners would share control of pressure and voting blocs. The "nathe enterprises with the people of_the tionality divisions" of the major parcommunity. ties and the balanced ticket are two Such undertakin gs would be far more reminders that immi grant loyalties are th an investment opportunities for well- still not completely melted. The idea of creating Negro enterto-do Negroes. With the proper structure they would become permanent and prises and institutions is not intend.::d rejection of genuinely concerned tangible institutions on which the Ne- as gro community could focus without white people or as an indictment of requiring a "white enemy" and into]~ all existing organizations. White peoerable conditions to unify it. Through ple of good will with interest, skills, a 27 �~------------__-_-_-.....-_ -_-_-- -------<r "' rt . -. ' I' ,,. ./ - J ~ .' --~_,, - ---1 ... ,,.., / \ / ! \ ~ \ - ~ , . l. I • -_ t I c ;- -- --- \ \ ' _, I I ~~·· . ', The power structure of white societyindustry, banks, the press, government -can continue, either inadvertently or deliberately, to maintain the divisions in the Negro community and keep it powerless. Social and econom ic statistics and psychological studies indicate that this would be a mistake. F or many reasons the ranks of the alienated are growing. No existing program seems able to meet the needs of the most troubled and troublesome group. It is generally agreed that massive, immediate action is required. The form of that action should be attuned, however, to the historically determined need for Negro pol itical and economic power that will fac ilitate Negro progress and give Negroes a reasonable degree of control over their own destiny. '· ' I "( and funds are needed and- contrary to the provocative assertions of a few Negroes-are still welcome in the Negro community. The kind of " black power" that is proposed would riot promote riots ; rather, by providing constructive channels for the energies· released by the civil rights movement, it should diminish the violent outbursts directed against the two symbols of white power and oppression : the police and the white merchants. To call for Negro institutions, moreover, is not to argue for segregation or discrimination. Whether we like it or not, a number of large cities are going to become predominantly Negro in a short time. The aim is to make these cities places where people can live decently and reach their highest potential with or without integration. An integrated society is the ultimate goal, but it may be a second stage in some areas. Where immediate integration is possible it should be effected, but integration takes place most easily among educated and secure people. And in the case of immediate integration an organized and supportive Negro community would help its members to maintain a sense of adequacy in a situation in which repeated reminders of the white head start often make Negroes feel all the more inferior. - - ,_ I James P. Comer is a fellow in psychiatry at the Yale School of Medicine He received a bachelor's degree fron Indiana University, in 1956 and wa. graduated from the Howard Univer sity College of Medicine in 1960. Fol lowing two years as a fellow in publi, health at Howard, he took a master'. degree in public health at the University of M ichigan in 1964. He joine, . the psychiatric residency program a Yale the same year. "My interest in race relations," h, says, "developed at an early age, in par from both troublesome and satisfyini experiences as a N egro youngster in 1 low-income family in a racially inte grated community." He adds that work as a voluntee in an agency concerned with social rehabilitation of fam ilies w ith problem infiuenced his decision "to train in psychiatry and to focu s on preventive an social aspects." This article first appeared in th April 1967 Scientific American. The photographs accompanying th article are by Joel Katz. The piclllre were taken in M ississippi and Connect· icut in the s11111111ers of 1964 and 1966 T h e Mississippi photographs are from, Scholar of the House project which wo1 the Strong Prize in American Literature in 1965. � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document sit ey / ! . Reprinted with sion. ight / The S O cial Power by James P. Comer eprinted with permission. Copyright ( 1967 by Scientific American, Inc. All right of the Negro ai a aes SN Ge hae) ne see a B| | 20  The concept of “black power” is an inflammatory one. It was introduced in an atmosphere of militancy (during James Meredith’s march through Mis- sissippi last June) and in many quar- ters it has been equated with violence and riots. As a result the term distresses white friends of the Negro, frightens and angers others and causes many Negroes who are fearful of white dis- approval to reject the concept without considering its rationale and its merits. The fact is that a form of black power may be absolutely essential. The expe- rience of Negro Americans, supported by numerous historical and psycholog- ical studies, suggests that the profound needs of the poorest and most alienated Negroes cannot be met—and that there can therefore be no end to racial un- rest—except through the influence of a unified, organized Negro community with genuine political and economic power. Why aré Negro efforts to achieve greater unity and power considered un- necessary and even dangerous by so many people, Negro as well as white, friends as well as enemies? I believe it is because the functions of group power —and hence the consequences of po- litical and economic impotence—are not understood by most Americans. The “melting pot” myth has obscured the critical role of group power in the adjustment of white immigrant groups in this country. When immigrants were faced with discrimination, exploitation and abuse, they turned in on themselves. Sustained psychologically by the bonds of their cultural heritage, they maintained fam- ily, religious, and social institutions that had great stabilizing force. The institutions in turn fostered group unity. Family stability and group unity—plus access to political machinery, jobs in industry and opportunities on the fron- tier-—led to group power: immigrants voted, gained political influence, held public office, owned land and operated businesses. Group power and influence expanded individual opportunities and facilitated individual achievement, and within one or two generations most im- migrants enjoyed the benefits of first- class American citizenship, The Negro experience has been very different. The traumatic effects of sep- aration from Africa, slavery, and the denial of political and economic oppor- tunities after the abolition of slavery created divisive psychological and so- cial forces in the Negro community. Coordinated group action, which was certainly appropriate for a despised minority, has been too little evident; Negroes have seldom moved cohesively and effectively against discrimination and exploitation, These abuses led to the creation of an impoverished, under- educated, and alienated group—a siz- able minority among Negroes, dispro- portionately large compared with other ethnic groups. This troubled minority has a self-defeating “style” of life that leads to repeated failure, and its plight and its reaction to that plight are at the core of the continuing racial conflict in the U.S. Only a meaningful and powerful Negro community can help members of this group realize their po- tential, and thus alleviate racial unrest. The importance of “black power” be- comes comprehensible in the light of the interrelation of disunity, impo- tence, and alienation. The roots of Negro division are of African origin. It is important to real- ize that the slave contingents brought out of Africa were not from a single ethnic group. They were from a num- ber of groups and from many different tribes with different languages, cus- toms, traditions, and ways of life. Some were farmers, some hunters and gath- erers, some traders. There were old animosities, and these were exacerbated by the dynamics of the slave trade it- self. (Today these same tribal animosi- ties are evident, as in Nigeria, where centuries-old conflict among the Ibo, Hausa, and Yoruba tribes threatens to disrupt the nation. A_ significant number of slaves came from these very tribes. ) The cohesive potential of the cap- tives was low to begin with, and the breakup of kinship groupings, which in Africa had defined people’s roles and relations, decreased it further. Presum- ably if the Africans had been settled in a free land, they would in time have organized to build a new society meet- ing their own needs. Instead they were organized to meet the needs of their masters. The slaves were scattered in small groups (the average holding was only between two and five slaves) that were isolated from one another. The small number and mixed origins of each plantation’s slaves made the maintenance of any oral tradition, and thus of any tribal or racial identity and pride, impossible. Moreover, any grouping that was potentially cohesive because of family, kinship, or tribal connections was deliberately divided or tightly controlled to prevent rebellion, Having absolute power, the master could buy and sell, could decree co- habitation, punishment or death, could provide food, shelter, and clothing as he saw fit, The system was engraved 21 in law and maintained by the religious and political authorities and the armed forces; the high visibility of the slaves and the lack of places to hide made escape almost inconceivable. The powerless position of the slave was traumatic, as Stanley M. Elkins showed in his study of Negro slavery. The male was not the respected pro- vider, the protector and head of his household. The female was not rearing her child to take his place in a reward- ing society, nor could she count on protection from her spouse or any re- sponsible male. The reward for hard work was not material goods and the recognition of one’s fellow men but only recognition from the master as a faithful but inferior being. The master —‘‘the man’”—became the necessary object of the slave’s emotional invest- ment, the person whose approval he needed. The slave could love or hate or have ambivalent feelings about the relationship, but it was the most impor- tant relationship of his life. In this situation self-esteem de- pended on closeness or similarity to the master, not on personal or group power and achievement, and it was gained in ways that tended to divide the Negro population. House slaves looked down on field hands, ‘“mixed- bloods” on “pure blacks,” slaves with rich and important masters on slaves whose masters had less prestige. There was cleavage between the “troublemak- ers” who promoted revolt and sabotage and the “good slaves” who betrayed them, and between slave Negroes and iree ones. The development of positive identity as a Negro was scarcely pos- sible. 22 | Neg Vi i ~ i . WH t Jf oe i, — —." Pe | De / } ny tal — ame | We yy t | .. es, —.) OF wy i bo ht = | ie “< ry \ me \ ~~ S ai - 4 | \e \t ae - — | \ cont It is often assumed that with the end of the Civil War the situation of the free Negroes was about the same as that of immigrants landing in America. In reality it was quite different. Negroes emerging from slavery entered a so- ciety at a peak of racial antagonism. They had long since been stripped of their African heritage; in their years in America they had been unable to create much of a record of their own; they were deeply marked by the de- grading experience of slavery. Most significant, they were denied the weap- ons they needed to become part of American life: economic and political opportunities. No longer of any value to their former masters, they were now direct competitors of the poor whites. The conditions of life imposed by the “Black codes” of the immediate post- war period were in many ways as harsh as slavery had been. In the first two years after the end of the war many Negroes suffered violence and death at the hands of unrestrained whites; there was starvation and extreme dislocation. In 1867 the Reconstruction Acts put the South under military occupation and gave freedmen in the 11 Southern states the right to vote. (In the North, on the other hand, Negroes continued to be barred from the polls in all but nine states, either by specific racial qualifications or by prohibitive taxa- tion. Until the Fifteenth Amendment was ratified in 1870, only some 5 per cent of the Northern Negroes could vote.) The Reconstruction Acts also provided some military and legal pro- tection, educational opporiunities, and health care. Reconstruction did not, however, make enough land available to Negroes to create an adequate power base. The plantation system meant that large numbers of Negroes remained under tight control and were vulnerable to economic reprisals. Although Ne. groes could outvote whites in some states and did in fact control the Loui- siana and South Carolina legislatures, the franchise did not lead to real power, ‘This lack of power was largely duc to the Negro’s economic vulnerability, but the group divisions that had de- veloped during slavery also played a part. It was the “mixed-bloods” and the house slaves of middle- and upper- class whites who had acquired some education and skills under slavery; now many of these people became Negro leaders. They often had emotional ties to whites and a need to please them, and they advanced the cause of the Negroes as a group most gingerly. Moreover, not understanding the causes of the apathy, lack of achievement, and asocial behavior of some of theii fellows, many of them found their Ne- gro identity a source of shame rathei than psychological support, and they were ready to subordinate the need: of the group to personal gains tha would give them as much social anc psychological distance from their peo. ple as possible. The result was tha Negro leaders, with some notable excep: tions, often became the tools of whit leaders. Throughout the Reconstructior period meaningful Negro power wa: being destroyed, and long before thi last Negro disappeared from Souther legislatures Negroes were powerless. Under such circumstances Negri economic and educational progress wa severely inhibited. Negro-owned busi nesses were largely dependent on thi impoverished Negro community an were operaied by people who had littl education or experience and who foun it difficult to secure financing; the could not compete with white busi nesses. Negroes were largely untrainei for anything but farm labor or domesti  work, and a white social structure main- taining itself through physical force and economic exploitation was not likely to provide the necessary educa- tional opportunities. Minimal facilities, personnel and funds were provided for the “Negro schools” that were estab- lished, and only the most talented Ne- groes were able—if they were lucky— to obtain an education comparable to that available to whites. As John Hope Franklin describes it in Reconstruction after the Civil War, the Reconstruction was ineffective for the vast majority of Negroes, and it lasted only a short time: Federal troops had left most Southern states by 1870. While Negroes were still struggling for a first foothold, national political de- velopments made it advisable to pla- cate Southern leaders, and the Federal troops were recalled from the last three Southern states in 1877. There was a brief period of restraint, but it soon gave way to violence and terror on a large scale. Threats and violence drove Negroes away from the polls. Racist sherifis, legislators, and judges came into office. Segregation laws were passed, buttressed by court decisions and law enforcement practices, and erected into an institution that rivaled slavery in its effectiveness in excluding Negroes from public affairs—business, the labor movement, government, and public education. ‘At the time—and in later years—white people often pointed to the most de- pressed and unstable Negro and in ef- fect made his improvement in educa- tion and behavior a condition for the granting of equal opportunities to ail Negroes. What kind of people made up this most disadvantaged segment of the Negro community? I believe it can be shown that these were the Negroes who had lived under the most traumatic and disorganized conditions as slaves. Fam- ily life had been prohibited, discour- aged or allowed to exist only under precarious conditions, with no recourse from sale, separation, or sexual viola- tion, Some of these people had been treated as breeding stock or work ani- mals; many had experienced brutal and sadistic physical and sexual assaults. In many cases the practice of religion was forbidden, so that even self-respect as “a child of God” was denied them. Except for running away (and more tried to escape than has generally been realized) there was nothing these slaves could do but adopt various defense mechanisms. They responded in vari- ous ways, as is poignantly recorded in a collection of firsthand accounts ob- tained by Benjamin A. Botkin. Many did as little work as they could without being punished, thus developing work habits that were not conducive to suc- cess after slavery. Many sabotaged the master’s tools and other property, thus evolving a disrespect for property in general. Some resorted to a massive denial of the reality of their lives and took refuge in apathy, thus creating the slow-moving, slow-thinking stereotype of the Southern Negro. Others resorted instead to boisterous “acting out” be- havior and limited their interests to the fulfillment of such basic needs as food and sex. After slavery these patterns of be- —o Ss a tr La) Bae el ok havior persisted. The members of this severely traumatized group did not value family life. Moreover, for eco- nomic reasons and by force of custom the family often lacked a male head, or at least a legal husband and father, Among these people irresponsibility, poor work habits, disregard for con- ventional standards, and anger toward whites expressed in violence toward one another combined to form a way of life—a style—that caused them to be rejected and despised by whites and other Negroes alike. They were bound to fail in the larger world. When they did fail, they turned in on their own subculture, which accord- ingly became self-reinforcing. Children born into it learned its way of life. Iso- lated and also insulated from outside influences, they had little opportunity to change. The values, behavior pat- terns and sense of alienation transmit- ted within this segment of the popula- tion from generation to generation ac- count for the bulk of the illegitimacy, crime, and other types of asocial be- havior that are present in dispropor- tionate amounts in the Negro commu- nity today, This troubled subgroup has always been a minority, but its behavior constitutes many white people’s con- cept of “typical” Negro behavior and even tarnishes the image many other Negroes have of themselves. Over the years defensive Negro leaders have regularly blamed the depressed sub- group for creating a bad image; the members of the subgroup have blamed the leaders for “selling out.” There has been just enough truth in both accu- sations to keep them alive, accentuat- ing division and perpetuating conflicts, and impeding the development of group consciousness, cooperation, power, and mutual gains. It is surprising, considering the harsh 24 conditions of slavery, that there were any Negroes who made a reasonable adjustment to freedom. Many had come from Africa with a set of values that included hard work and stability of family and tribal life. (I suspect, but I have not been able to demonstrate, that in Africa many of these had been farmers rather than hunters and gath- erers.) As slaves many of them found the support and rewards required to maintain such values through their in- tense involvement in religion, From this group, after slavery, came the God- fearing, hardworking, law-abiding do- mestics and laborers who prepared their children for responsible living, in many cases making extreme personal sacri- fices to send them to trade school or college. (The significance of this church-oriented background in motivat- ing educational effort and success even today is indicated by some preliminary findings of a compensatory education program for which J am a consultant. Of 125 Negro students picked for the program from 10 southeastern states solely on the basis of academic prom- ise, 95 per cent have parents who are regular churchgoers, deeply involved as organizers and leaders in church af- fairs. ) For a less religious group of Negroes the discovery of meaning, fulfillment, and a sense of worth lay in a different direction. Their creative talents brought recognition in the arts, created the blues and jazz, and opened the entertain- ment industry to Negroes. Athletic ex- cellence provided another kind of achievement. Slowly, from among the religious, the creative, and the athletic, a new, educated, and talented middle class began to emerge that had less need of white approval than the Ne- groes who had managed to get ahead in earlier days. Large numbers of Ne- groes should have risen into the middle class by way of these relatively stable groups, but because of the lack of Ne- gro political and economic power and the barriers of racial prejudice many could not. Those whose aspirations were frustrated often reacted destruc- tively by turning to the depressed Ne- gro subgroup and its way of life; the subculture of failure shaped by slavery gained new recruits and was perpetu- ated by a white society’s obstacles to acceptance and achievement. In the past 10 years or so the “Negro revolt”—the intensified legal actions, nonviolent demonstrations, court deci- sions, and legislation—and changing economic conditions have brought rapid and significant gains for middle- class Negroes. The mass of low-income Negroes have made little progress. how- ever; many have been aroused by civil rights talk but few have benefited. Of all Negro families, 40 per cent are clas- sified as “poor” according to Social Se- curity Administration criteria. (The figure for white families is 11 per cent.) Low-income Negroes have menial jobs or are unemployed; they live in segre- gated neighborhoods and are exploited by landlords and storekeepers; they are often the victims of crime and of the violent, displaced frustrations of their friends and neighbors. The urban riots of the past few years have been the reaction of a small segment of this population to the frustrations of its, daily existence. a we ee ee we “el a Why is it that so many Negroes have been unable to take advantage of the Negro revolt as the immigrants did of opportunities offered them? The ma- jor reason is that the requirements for economic success have been raised. The virtually free land on the frontier is gone. The unskilled and semiskilled jobs that were available to white im- migrants are scarce today, and many unions controlled by lower-middie-class whites bar Negroes to keep the jobs for their present members. The law does not help here because Negroes are underrepresented in municipal and state legislative bodies as well as in Congress. Negroes hold few policy- making positions in industry and Ne- gro small businesses are a negligible source of employment. Employment opportunities exist, of course—for highly skilled workers and technicians. These jobs require educa- tion and training that many Negroes, along with many white workers, lack. The training takes time and requires motivation, and it must be based on satisfactory education through high school. Most poor Negroes lack that ed- ucation, and many young Negroes are not getting it today. There are Negro children who are performing adequately in elementary school but who will fail by the time they reach high school, either because their schools are inade- quate or because their homes and sub- culture will simply not sustain their efforts in later years. It is not enough to provide a “head start”; studies have shown that gains made as the result of the new preschool enrichment programs are lost, in most cases, by the third grade. Retraining programs for workers and programs for high school dropouts are palliative measures that have limited value. Some of the jobs for which people are being trained will not exist in a few years. Many students drop out of the dropout programs. Other students have such self-defeating values and behavior that they will not be employable even if they complete the programs. A number of investigators (Daniel P. Moynihan is one) have pointed to the structure of the poorer Negro fam- ily as the key to Negro problems. They point to an important area but miss the crux of the problem. Certainly the lack of a stable family deprives many Ne- gro children of psychological security and of the values and behavior patterns they need in order to achieve success. Certainly many low-income Negro fam- ilies lack a father. Even if it were pos- sible to legislate the father back into the home, however, the grim picture is unchanged if his own values and con- duct are not compatible with achieve- ment. A father frustrated by society often reacts by mistreating his chil- dren. Even adequate parents despair and are helpless in a subculture that leads their children astray. The point of intervention must be the subculture that impinges on the family and influ- ences its values and style of behavior and even its structure, How, then, does one break the cir- cle? Many white children who found their immigrant family and subculture out of step with the dominant American culture and with their own desires were able to break away and establish a sense of belonging to a group outside their own—if the pull was strong enough. Some children in the depressed Negro group do this too. A specific pull is often needed: some individual or institution that sets a goal or acts as a model. The trouble is that racial prejudice and alienation from the white and Ne- gro middle class often mean that there is little pull from the dominant culture on lower-class Negro children. In my work in schools in disadvantaged areas as a consultant from the Child Study Center at Yale I have found that many Negro children perceive the outside culture as a separate white man’s world. Once they are 12 or 14 years old—the age at which a firm sense of racial identity is established—many Negroes have a need to shut out the white man’s world and its values and institutions and also to reject “white Negroes,” or the Negro middle class. Since these children see their problems as being racial ones, they are more likely to learn how to cope with these problems from a middle-class Negro who extends himself than from a white person, no matter how honest and free of hostility and guilt the white person may be.  | at eee ey 26 | at La re ests ee eT r of a xs awe PT. i wt :" i oe a r te = a ne “ © > | LL ead secatre, Unfortunately the Negro community is not now set up to offer its disadvan- taged members a set of standards and a psychological refuge in the way the white immigrant subcultures did. There is no Negro institution beyond the fam- ily that is enough in harmony with the total American culture to transmit its behavioral principles and is meaningful enough to Negroes to effect adherence to those principles and sufficiently ac- cepted by divergent elements of the Negro community to act as a cohesive force. The church comes closest to per- forming this function, but Negroes be- long to an exceptional number of dif- ferent denominations, and in many cases the denominations are divided and antagonistic. The same degree of division is found in the major fraternal and civic organizations and even in civil rights groups. There is a special reason for some of the sharp divisions in Negro organ- izations. With Negroes largely barred from business, politics and certain la- bor unions, the quest for power and leadership in Negro organizations has been and continues to be particularly intense, and there is a great deal of conflict. Only a few Negroes have a broad enough view of the total society to be able to identify the real sources of their difficulties. And the wide di- vergence of their interests often makes it difficult for them to agree on a course of action. All these factors make Negro groups vulnerable to divide-and-con- quer tactics, either inadvertent or de- liberate, Viewing such disarray, altruistic white people and public and private agencies have moved into the apparent vacuum—often failing to recognize that, in spite of conflict, existing Ne- gro institutions were meeting important psychological needs and were in close contact with their people. Using these meaningiul institutions as vehicles for delivering new social services would have strengthened the only forces ca- pable of supporting and organizing the Negro community. Instead, the new agencies, public and private, have ig- nored the existing institutions and have tried to do the job themselves. The agencies often have storefront loca- tions and hire some “indigenous” workers, but the class and racial gap is difficult to cross. The thong-sandaled, long-haired white girl doing employ- ment counseling may be friendly and sympathetic to Negroes, but she cannot possibly tell a Negro youngster (in- deed, she does not know that she should tell him): “You’ve got to look better than the white applicant to get the job.” Moreover, a disadvantaged Negro—or any Negro—repeatedly helped by powerful white people while his own group appears powerless or unconcerned is unlikely to develop sat- isfactory feelings about his group or himself. The effects of an undesirable racial self-concept among many Ne- groes have been documented repeat- edly, yet many current programs tend to perpetuate this basic problem rather than to relieve it. A solution is suggested by the fact that many successful Negroes no longer feel the need to maintain psychological and social distance from their own people. Many of them want to help. Their pres- ence and tangible involvement in the Negro community would tend to bal- ance the pull—the comforts and the immediate pleasures—of the subcul- ture. Because the functions of Negro organizations have been largely pre- empted by white agencies, however, no Negro institution is available through which such people can work to over- come a century of intra-Negro class alienation, Recently a few Negroes have begun to consider a plan that could meet some of the practical needs, as well as the spiritual and psychological needs, of the Negro community. In Cleveland, New York, Los Angeles, and some smaller cities new leaders are emerg- ing who propose to increase Negro co- hesiveness and self-respect through seli- help enterprises: cooperatives that would reconstruct slums or operate apartment buildings and businesses providing goods and services at fair prices. Ideally these enterprises would be owned by people who mean some- thing to the Negro community—Ne- ero athletes, entertainers, artists, pro- fessionals, and government workers— and by Negro churches, fraternal groups, and civil rights organizations. The owners would share control of the enterprises with the people of the community. Such undertakings would be far more than investment opportunities for well- to-do Negroes. With the proper struc- iure they would become permanent and tangible institutions on which the Ne- gro community could focus without requiring a “white enemy” and intol- erable conditions to unify it. Through this mechanism Negroes who had achieved success could come in contact with the larger Negro group. Instead of the policy king, pimp, and prostitute being the models of success in the sub- culture, the Negro athlete, business- man, professional, and _ entertainer might become the models once they could be respected because they were obviously working for the Negro com- munity. These leaders would then be in a position to encourage and promote high-level performance in school and on the job, At the same time broad measures to “institutionalize” the total Negro experience would increase ra- cial pride, a powerful motivating force. The entire program would provide the foundation for unified political action to give the Negro community repre- sentatives who speak in its best inter- ests. That, after all, has been the pattern in white America, There was, and still is, Irish power, German, Polish, Italian, and, Jewish power—and indeed white Anglo-Saxon Protestant power—but color obviously makes these groups less clearly identifiable than Negroes, Churches and synagogues, cultural and fraternal societies, unions, business as- sociations, and networks of allied fam- ilies and “clans” have served as centers of power that maintain group con- sciousness, provide jobs and develop new opportunities, and join to form pressure and voting blocs. The “na- tionality divisions” of the major par- ties and the balanced ticket are two reminders that immigrant loyalties are still not completely melted. The idea of creating Negro enter- prises and institutions is not intended as a rejection of genuinely concerned white peopie or as an indictment of all existing organizations. White peo- ple of good will with interest, skills, 27 and funds are needed and—contrary to the provocative assertions of a few Negroes—are still welcome in the Ne- gro community. The kind of “black power” that is proposed would not promote riots; rather, by providing con- structive channels for the energies re- leased by the civil rights movement, it should diminish the violent outbursts directed against the two symbols of white power and oppression: the police and the white merchants. To call for Negro institutions, more- over, is not to argue for segregation or discrimination. Whether we like it or not, a number of large cities are going to become predominantly Negro in a short time. The aim is to make these cities places where people can live de- cently and reach their highest potential with or without integration. An inte- grated society is the ultimate goal, but it may be a second stage in some areas. Where immediate integration is pos- sible it should be effected, but integra- tion takes place most easily among educated and secure people. And in the case of immediate integration an organized and supportive Negro com- munity would help its members to maintain a sense of adequacy in a sit- uation in which repeated reminders of the white head start often make Ne- groes feel all the more inferior. ; mR x r fia " ff -% ' ra Vv \ AS ‘\ Ww * meas \ . DQ - “s | ( tf iy Resse a biog ms The power structure of white society— industry, banks, the press, government —can continue, either inadvertently or deliberately, to maintain the divisions in the Negro community and keep it powerless. Social and economic statis- tics and psychological studies indicate that this would be a mistake. For many reasons the ranks of the alienated are growing. No existing program seems able to meet the needs of the most troubled and troublesome group. It is generally agreed that massive, immedi- ate action is required. The form of that action should be attuned, however, to the historically determined need for Negro political and economic power that will facilitate Negro progress and give Negroes a reasonable degree of control over their own destiny. # % PAL < \, i - i % } \ } \ \ / \ / \ . \ ‘ : =, A) wea James P. Comer is a fellow in psychi atry at the Yale School of Medicine He received a bachelor’s degree fron Indiana University in 1956 and wa graduated from the Howard Univer sity College of Medicine in 1960. Fol lowing two years as a fellow in publi health at Howard, he took a master’ degree in public health at the Univer sity of Michigan in 1964. He joine, the psychiatric residency program a Yale the same year. “My interest in race relations,” hh says, “developed at an early age, in par from beth troublesome and satisfyin, experiences as a Negro youngster in low-income family in a racially inte grated community.” He adds that work as a voluntee in an agency concerned with social re habilitation of families with problem influenced his decision “to train in psy chiatry and to focus on preventive an social aspects.” This article first appeared in th April 1967 Scientific American. The photegraphs accompanying thi article are by Joel Katz. The picture were taken in Mississippi and Connect icut in the summers of 1964 and 1966 The Mississippi photographs are from Scholar of the House project which war the Strong Prize in American Liter ture in 1965.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 13 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/077f4fb8282e8abe470f06dd330aabd3.pdf b3adf50d495815f0fd9e73fdc18f97b4 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. Honorab le I van Allen, J r. Mayor Atlanta, Geor gia Dear .1ayor Allen: Th e du ties an d ob li gations a ssoci a te d with t h e closin g of shcool an d assisti n g in t h e Unite d Ne gro Colle ge Fun d Camp ai gn , a re my e xp lanations f or the del ay in f ormerl y acknowle dgin g my accep tance of the assi gnment y ou hav e me a t t he Cos mop olit an A. M. E. Ch urch , Tues day n i gh t, Jun e 6 , 196 7. Th is comes to in f orm y ou t h at I have a lre ady h a d t wo meetin gs with a s ma ll group of conce rne d citi ze ns, r epresentin g r e li gi ous, f r a terna l, ci vic a nd busine ss or gan iz a tions. An ot her meeting is sche du le d f or e ar l y next week. In due co ur se , I sh a ll s ub mit to y ou t he name s and i den ti f y t he i nteres t s a nd c onne ct i ons of t h e p erson s sele ct e d . ~ in ce r ely y our s, f: /1(, ~ E. M. Laws 13 7 Gr i ff in St ., N. Atl ant a , Georgia v. � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document June 14, ay A yt wh i Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mayor Allen: The duties and obligations associated with the closing of shcool and assisting in the United Negro College Fund Campaign, are my explanations for the delay in formerly acknowledging my acceptance of the assignment you have me at the Cosmopolitan A.M.E. Church, Tuesday night, June 6, 1967. This comes to inform you that I have already had two meetings with a small group of concerned citizens, representing religious, fraternal, civic and business organizations. Another meeting is scheduled for early next week. . In due course, I shall submit to you the nemes and identify the interests and connections of the persons selected. Sincerely yours, os { : - ; é. fM LA E. M. Laws 137 Griffin St., N. W. Atlanta, Georgia  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 12 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/e0c7c3ec1498861a3bbe063c91e6090e.pdf a287a49131f67a4c70bb7486d2611adc Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. July 18., 1967 Honerable Ivan Allen., Jro Mapr City Of Atlanta . City Hall 68 Mitchell street., SoV. Atlanta., Geet'fjla 3Q303, Deer Mayor Allan At a meeting held in the auditorium of the Gl'EA Bu!ldin§;--201 Ashby Street., N.v •., attended by fifty five citizens of the Nash.Bans Area., referemce was made to the fact that I., organizer of the Nash-Bans Coordinating COmmittee., had. written you two letters and have riot received a reply from elthero In one letter., an invitation was extended to yeu to appear before the ahwe named group for the purpose of describing in some detail, the manner and m.ent to which you wish the committee to cooperate and assist in the proposed Url:lan Rene:wal Development under consideration for the Nash~Bans Community. · The comnlttee represents every church ln the cotimunlty. Also, nery parent mese child is in attendance at EJ.. Ware., "English Avenus., or M.M. Betlmne Schools., is represented by the P.T .A. of each f the tbr8e Schools. In addition., Business, Fratemal, Civic and Professional Organizations are also represented. The purpose of this letter., however., ls focused on the future;. Therefore, we would appreciate a c~llllllUl:dcatlon from you indicating the earliest ~ssible date when you and other appropriate city officials C0Uld meet with this collllittee. A special meeting of the comaittee will be called i1111ediately upon receipt of a connmlt:atlon from y.u indicating your availabllf.ty to appear before lts maberso Respectfully yours., 1 EM1lkw rfjlf_. E. Mo ~ ws � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document July 18, 1967 Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayer City Of Atlanta . City Hail 68 Mitchell Street, S.W. Atianta, Georgia 30303 Dear Mayor Alien: At a meeting held in the auditorium of the GIEA Building, 201 Ashby Street, NW., attended by fifty five citizens of the Nash-Bans Area, reference was made to the fact that I, organizer of the Nash-Bans Coordinating Committee, hac written you two letters and have not received a reply from either. In one letter, an invitation was extended to you to appear before the above named group fer the purpose of describing in some detail, the manner and extent to which you wish the committee to cooperate and assist in the proposed Urban Renewal Development under considera= tion for the Nash-Bans Community. The committee represents every church in the community. Also, every parent whose child is in attendance at E.A. Ware, English Avenue, or M.M. Bethune Schools, is represented by the P.T.A. of each of the three Schools. In addition, Business, Fraternal, Civic and Professional Organizations are also represented, The purpese ef this letter, however, is focused on the future. Therefore, we would appreciate a cemmunication from you indicating the earliest pessible date when you and other appropriate city officials could meet with this committee, A special meeting of the committee will be called immediately upon receipt of a commmnication from yeu indicating your availability to appear befere its members. Respectfully yours, EM. Laws EMs licw E. Mo s  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 11 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/6a6f531edb11e8278d2458ba38934f0f.pdf ee95a22101e85eafae4f9fb449a95be3 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. July 19, 1967 MEMORANDUM TO: Mr . John Robins on FlO M : Mrs . Ann Mose~ Dear John: As you will recall, this is the Committee that the Mayor told Mr . Lawa to formulate at that meeting . I think it would b wi - e for you to go talk to him, get a list of the Committee and ome general topic they wish to discuss , and then let me know how you want to work out uch a meeting. Sincerely yours, Mrs . Ann Moses , Executive Secretary AM /br CC: Mr. Dan Sweat � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document July 19, 1967 MEMORANDUM TO: Mr. John Robinson FROM: Mrs. Ann Moses Dear John: As you will recall, this is the Committee that the Mayor told Mr. Laws to formulate at that meeting. I think it would be wise for you to go talk to him, get a list of the Committee and some general topics they wish to discuss, and then let me know how you want to work out such a meeting. 4 Sincerely yours, Mrs. Ann Moses, Executive Secretary AM/br CC: Mr. Dan Sweat  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 10 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/cc102e1ec12381d1f942bf918bf12b76.pdf 54398a56b4b6f74a7cf7c595d5b6dcfa Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. \ . July 19, 1967 · Mr . E . M . Laws 137 Griffin Street, N . W . Atlanta, Georgia Dear M r . L.aw : Thi will acknowledge receipt of your letter of July 18th regarding the Coordinating Commi ttee which you have organized and the future meetings with city officials . I ani asking M r. John Robinson of my taff to contact you regarding the plans that hould be made . It ould be helpful if you would give M r. Robinson a li t of the Na h - Bans Coordinating Committee . I arn king him to erve a my coordinator with your committee. Sincerely yours, Ivan Allen, Jr. M ayor lAJr/br CC: Mr. Dan Sweat Mr. John Robinson � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document July 19, 1967 ‘Mr. E. M. Laws 137 Griffin Street, N. W. Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mr. Laws: This will acknowledge receipt of your letter of July 18th regarding the Coordinating Committee which you have organized and the future meetings with city officials. I am asking Mr. John Robinson of my staff to contact you regarding the plans that should be made. It would be helpful if you would give Mr. Robinson a list of the Nash-Bans Coordinating Committee. I am asking him to serve as my coordinator with your committee. Sincerely yours, ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor lAIr/br CC: Mr. Dan Sweat Mr. John Robinson  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 9 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/104c4308b44918d0044991b3598c675f.pdf 0f84ed0596602ba994412eb8dda28fe6 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. July zo . 19t>7 _ r. . L N. .D ar r . La I .. T a i . in fur er r ly to yo r lett r of .July l • apec:ifi~ Uy co c nu yo\P' p viou coTre a-d ence • ., Collier Gl din half of city i 1ft tio 1 i formatio you r quir t I cerely.• U cc: Cila i • Jr. i• � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document July 20, 1967 Mr. E. M. Laws 137 Griffin Street, N. W. Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mr. Laws: This is in further reply to your letter of July (8th, specifically concerning your previous corres pondence, Your first letter of June l4th informed me of your activities, and required no answer. Your second letter of July 6th was promply answered on my behalf by Mr. Collier Gladin on July 12th. i have asked Mr. Dan Sweat, Mr. Collier Gladin and Mr. John Robinson to assist on behalf of the city in coopdinating your efforts. If there is any additional information you require at this time, please advise. Sincerely, ivan Allen, Ir. IAJriam cc: Meesre. Sweat, Gladin and Robinson  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 13, Folder 21, Document 8 Box 13 Box 13 Folder 21 Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967