2 20 63 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/4f084b5b9fccd53c99a55a9eccec9fb0.pdf 15e6b681674e0aa3e769b6e206814da9 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. BACKGROUND: A Handbook for Reporters covering the desegregation of Atlanta Public Schools prepared by OASIS Organizations Assisting Schools in September Room 813, SO Whit hall Street, S.W. Atlanta 3, Georgia J �A List of People You May Want to Interview ATLANTA PUBLIC SCHOOLS Sup erintendent: Dr. John W. Letson City H all - Ja 2-3381 Deputy Superint endent: Dr. Rua! W. Stephens ATLANTA BOARD OF EDUCATION Chairman: L J. O'Callaghan 11 Marietta St., N . W. - Ja 1-0238 A ttorney: A. C. (Pete) Latimer Healey Building - 521-1282 ATLANTA DEPARTMENT OF POLICE Chief: Herbert T. Jenkins 175 Decatur St., S.E. -Ja 2-7363 ATLANTA CHAMBER Of COMMERCE President: Ben S. Gilmer American Telephone Co.: 529-8611 Executive Vice President: Opie L. Shelton Commerce Building - 521-0845 ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE STATE OF GEORGIA Eugene Cook State Judicial Building - Ja 5-0401 ATTORNEYS FOR THE TRANSFER STUDENTS Donald L. Hollowell 859 Hunter St., S.W. - Ja 5-8372 E. E. Moore, Jr. 175 Auburn Ave., N.E. - Ja 4-6861 FEDERAL DISTRICT JUDGE, NORTHERN DISTRICT OF GEORGIA Frank A. H ooper, Jr. Old Post Office Building - Mu 8-3517 GENERAL ASS EMBLY COMMITTEE ON SCHOOLS Chairman: John A. Sibley Trust Company of Georgia - Ja 2-6000 GOVERNOR OF THE STATE OF GEORGIA S. Ernest .Vandiver State Capitol - Ja 1-177 6 GREATER ATLANTA COUNCIL OF CHURCHES President: Dr. Arthur Vann Gibson Church Office: Tr 2-8939 Executive Director: Dr. Loren T . Jenks 163 Walton St. , N.W. - Ja 3-2796 GREATER ATLANTA AND GEORGIA COUNCILS ON HUMAN RELATIONS Director (Atlanta ): Mrs. Walter Paschall 41 Exchange Pl. , S.E. - 525-6468 Director (Georgia): Mrs. William C. Pauley 41 Exchange Pl. , S.E. - 525-6468 �GUTS (GEORGIANS UNWILLING TO SURRENDER) Lester G. Maddox Home: Ce 3-4374, Business: Tr 4-9344 HOPE, IN C. (HELP OUR PUBLIC EDUCATION) Chairman: Mrs. Thomas M. Breeden Home: Bl 5-3820 LEAGUES OF WOMEN VOTERS OF ATLANTA AND GEORGIA President (Atlanta): Mrs. Rushton Coulborn 1036 Peachtree St., N.E. - 876-0732 President (Georgia ·: Mrs . Fleming Law 7 - 17th St. - Tr 2-4075 Public R elations Chairman: Mrs. Edward Vinson , Dr 7-5286 MAYOR OF THE CITY O.F ATLANTA William B. H artsfield City H all - Ja 2-4463 N. A. A. C. P.-ATLANTA BRANCH President: Reverend Samuel W. Williams Church Office: Mu 8-0206 Executive Director: James Gibson 236 Aubu rn Ave., N .E . - M u 8-6064 OASIS (ORGANIZATION S ASSISTING SCHOOLS IN SEPTEMBER) G eneral Chairman: Mrs . Philip Hammer Home : Ce 3-0955 Vice Chairman: Rev. Allison Williams Church Office: Ce 7-6491 Vice Ch airman: Mrs. William S. Shelfer Dr 3-0765 Secretary -Treasurer: Mrs. Hamilton Lokey Ce 7-4215 Executive Director: Mrs. J. C. Harris 50 Whitehall St. - Ja 5-8469 Pub lic Information Chairman: M rs. D avid Neim an - Ce 7-0209 SO U THERN REGI ONAL COUNCIL Executi ve Director: Dr. Leslie W . Dunbar 5 F orsyth St. , N .W. - 522-8764 STAT E D EPARTMENT OF EDUCATION Superintendent: D r. Claude Purcell State Office Building - 688-2390 UNITED CHUR CH W O MEN OF ATLANTA President: Mrs . P hil B. Narmore 872-5 862 �RALPH Atlanta has sought in all things to be a responsible city. This is her great tradition. As early as December 1889, Henry W. Grady, whose name is on our modern and beautiful city hospital, on one of our finest schools, on one of our hotels, and whose statue stands in the heart of our city, said, in a speech made to the Merchants of Boston : "The problem of race ... is so bound up in our honora ble obligation to the world th at we would no t disentangle it if we could ... I would rather see my people render back this question rightl y solved th an to see them gather all the spoils over which fac tion has contended since Cataline conspired and Caesar fought. " This was Grady's basic a pproac h. His opinions, dealing with the context of hi s time, do not all jibe with tod ay's. But, he was rig ht in the great sense .. . it must be rightly solved. This is the city which welcomed back General Sherman, not many years after the war, and gave him a tremendous reception , including a dinner attended by Confederate veterans who directl y had opposed him-a nd who had been driven from the city which he proceeded , in time, to burn. This is the city which has always tri ed to look forw ard , not backward . It has never wa nted to be an old Southern city, caught like a fl y in amber, and dying of qu aintness and musty charm. From the tim e the so und of hammers and the ras p of saws bega n to be heard in the rebuilding of the city after Sherman's fires had died , we have sought to bu ild into th e city a belief in the principles of thi s country, of justice and opportunity. We have not always succeeded . T he record is not unm arred. But we h ave never ceased to try. One of our great strengths is that there have [ 2] �..L been attracted here the graduates of the many institutions over the nation. Every year we are pleased to carry items about the local alumni of Wisconsin , of Minnesota, of California, of Princeton , Yale, Harvard , Smith, Radcliff, Vassar, et al, who are to have a luncheon or dinner and are calling on the faithful to attend. Atlanta has attracted, too, many of the more ambitious young men and women from the smaller cities and towns of our own state and others of the South. We are a city of transportation and communication , and this has brought t·o us young executive and professional men . This press pack is an example. A great many persons, all volunteers, have worked on it. They want yo u to know that after the school decision by the U. S. Supreme Court, this was a city in which there was a debate and a continuing exchange of ideas. The White Citizens Councils, the Klans, and others of that mentality, could , and did, have their say. But they were answered. They did not dominate. They could not coerce or intimidate, as they did in neighboring states. The men and women who have compiled this press pack represent volunteer citizen organizatio ns wh ich have worked for public schools-and for the orderly processes of law. We, of the press, radio and television , have helped them have their say . We commend them to you. One never knows. The forces of evil and violence are unpredictable. But we believe that the overwhe lmin g sentim ent in thi s city is for lawf ul procedures. W hat we chiefly want yo u to know is that we have not been idle. We h ave not sa t with folded hands and wa ited. We h ave not left it for others to do. The people of the city have tried to organize public opinion , and , more important, to inform it. Th is press pack contains the essence of that effort. RALPH McGI LL Publisher, The Atlanta Constitution [3] �CITY OF A T LA NTA OFF ICE of th e MAYOR A t lanta 3, G e o rg ia To the Gentlemen of the Press: On behalf of the City of Atlanta, it is my pleasure to extend you a cordi al welcome. · You have traveled far in order to be present as history is once again made in Atlanta . Knowing Atlanta and her people , I have every confidence that the story you flash to the world will be a positive, dramatic picture of a great City facing profound change with di gnity; a City continuing to be a credit to the N ation ; a City too busy to hate. May your stay with us be both enjoyable and rewarding. And when you go , may you take with you in your mind a memory of the South at its best, and in your heart, a desire to return. We ar e always glad to have you with us. Sincerely yours, Mayor [ 4] �CITY OF ATLANTA DEPARTMENT of POLICE Atlanta 3, Georgia ST ATEMENT OF HERBERT T . JENKINS, CHIEF OF THE ATLA NTA POLICE DEPA RTMENT "T he Board of E ducati on and the Superintendent of Schools bas original and ·complete jurisdiction to operate the public schools of Atlanta. In accordance with state and F ederal regulations and u nder order fro m the Federal Court, the Atlanta schools will be desegregated when school opens on August 30, 196 1. "If an y person or persons object to the m anner or method of operation of the A tlanta Public Sch ools, those objecti ons must be m ade to the Superintendent of School's offi ce at the City H all, and u nder no circum stances will objections be disc ussed , or disturbances be permitted at any of the ind ividua l schools. "Local and State laws have always surrounded and provided special protection for public worship and public schools. Section 36. 14 of the City Code forbid s distu rbi ng public schools and states that 'no person, at or near any p ublic sch ool, shall , by co nversation, sign, or otherwise, engage the attention of any of the pupil s, to the disturbance of such school. ' 'The highest value of the law is the keepin g of the peace- the Atlanta Police D epartment has fu ll responsibility and authority to maintain the peace and good order over the entire city, and espec iall y at and aro und the schools." August 1, 1961 [ 5] �BACKGROUND: ATLANTA {19S4-1961) When the Supreme Court Decision of May 1954 put an end to legal segregation in the nation's schools, Georgia, like other deep South states, adopted an official policy of last-ditch legal resistance. Despite protests from the Georgia Education Association, the League of Women Voters and oth~r responsible citizens' groups, the General Assembly of 1955 adopted a "Private School Plan" which included , among other measures, a provision to cut off funds from any school system which attempted to desegregate. Secure in their legal "Magi not Line" and unhampered by fea r of Federal initiative in enforcing the ruling in "Brown vs. Topeka," most Georgians felt the Supreme Court's emphasis was on the word "deliberate" rather than "speed." Schools would continue in the traditional way; regional mores would remain unchanged. The bitter lessons of Little Rock and Norfolk were as yet unlearned. The changes in Baltimore, St. Louis and Louisville were not deep-South enough to stir Georgians from the blanket of apath y which then covered the entire school question. The first brush with realit y came in January 1958, when a group of Atlanta Negroes. in a "class action ," filed suit agai nst the Atlanta School Board . The suit (Calhoun et al vs. Latimer ) asked that the School Board be enjoi ned from practicing racial discrimination in the public schools. When in June of 19 59 U. S. District Judge Frank Hooper ruled in favor of the pl aintiffs and ordered the Atlanta Board to submit a plan for desegregation by the fo llowing December, the handwriting was clearl y on the wall. The [ 6 ] �School Board had no alternative but to submit a plan. Yet any plan to desegregate Atlanta's schools would be squarely in conflict with Georgia's m assive resistance laws and would automatically fo rce their closure. Meanwhile, in October of 1958, echoes from Norfolk and Little Rock began to reverberate along the Peachtrees. Anxious letters were written to the newspapers. Isol ated groups of citizens held meetings. In November, the School Committee of the Atl anta League of Women Voters publicly submitted ten questions to the School Board, the most important of which was, "Will every school in A tlanta close if the Courts order integration?" T he School Board withheld a public answer since the y were litigants in the pending Court suit; but an Atlanta Constitution columnist outlined the city's dilemma. On November 25th, under the auspices of the League of Women Voters, an open meeting was called to discuss ways and means of keeping schools open. A steering committee was fo rmed to seek coopera tion with the business and fi nanci al leadership of A tl anta. Since it was felt that a public stand at that time would be undesira bl e and premature, the steering committee neve r got off th e ground . T he disengagement of the loca l power structure , the unyielding "never" of the State political leadershi p and th e strident, often threatening segregationist voices clai ming th at "no school s are better than in tegrated ones" were powerful deterrents to organized community action. Yet because the Atlanta papers respo nsibly reported the news fro m other So uth ern cities, pointing out editoriall y the tragic consequences of m assive resista nce elsewhere, ma ny A tl antan s realized their public schools were in jeopardy and sought a way to save them. On December 9, 1958, eighteen white parents chartered HOPE, Inc. (Help O ur P ublic Education), choosing to avoid the integration vs. segregation iss ue by taking an u ncomplicated stand [ 7 ] �for open public schools, period. Conceived primarily as an educational organization designed to clear up the fog of confusion engendered by "massive resistance," "interposition" and other socalled alternatives to compliance, it rapidly became a rallying ground for moderates who previously had suffered to remain silent. With the fervor and enthusiasm only amateurs could maintain, HOPE spawned a welter of public manifestos (Ministers, Educators and Doctors, to name just a few) and generated enough interest by March of 1959 to hold a public rally which drew upwards of 1,500 people and some prominent speakers in support of open schools (Atlanta Mayor Hartsfield, Publisher Ralph McGill, Georgia Legislator M. M. (Muggsy) Smith and Editor Sylvan Meyer) . Favorable press, radio and television coverage Iof the March rally established a bona-fide "Open Schools Movement." HOPE chapters formed in Gainesville, Marietta, Jonesboro, Rome, Athens, Macon and Savannah with other nuclei of interested supporters in cities and towns throughout the state. Inevitably there was opposition, much of it wellfinanced and organized. In addition to the States Rights Council led by Augusta politico, Ro y Harris, the Klans and White Citizens Councils, Atlanta-based centers of resistance such as MASE (Metropolitan Association for Segregated Education) and later GUTS (Georgians Unwilling to Surrender) headed by Lester Maddox, now a candidate in the five-cornered Atlanta m ayoralty race, sprang up to harass open school advocates. On November 30, 1959 the Atlanta School Board submitted a stair-step plan for desegregation of the public school s begi nning with the 12th grade (given in full elsewhere in this pamphlet) . Judge Hooper approved the plan on January 20, 1960 and ordered it into effect the following September; or as soon as the General Assembly of Georgia could enact statutes to allow Atlanta schools to operate. [ 8] �In an attempt to influence legislative action, open school supporters mounted an educational crash program. Mayor Hartsfield proclaimed a "Save Our Schools Week" in Atlanta. Representatives of state-wide civic groups joined together in a coordinated effort. Legislators, business leaders and other opinion-makers throughout the state received repeated mailings underlinin·g the social, economic and educational disasters accompanying school closings elsewhere. The Fulton and DeKalb County legislative delegations which previously had withheld unanimous support, promised to seek legislative change. They were joined by a handful of salons from other parts of the state; but the prevailing sentiment when the General Assembly convened was to let Atlanta bear the brunt of school closings to preserve segregation elsewhere in Georgia. · All during the legislative session public pressure in behalf of open schools grew stronger. Delegations of open school supporters called on Governor Vandiver, Senator Russell, Senator Talmadge and as many legislators as they could buttonhole. As a. result, the Legislature appointed a nineteenmember "General Assembly Committee on Schools" empowered to conduct hearings in each of the State's Congress ional Districts to find out whether "the people of Georgia may wish to make a deliberate determination as to whether future education is to be afforded through direct tuition payments for use in private schools devoid of governmental control , or whether the public school system as it presently exists shall be maintained notwithstanding that the school system of A tlanta and even others yet to come may be integrated . . . " Cynics regarded the Committee as a delaying tactic at best. It had power only to inquire and recommend and it was a foregone conclusion that most Georgians considered "race-mixing" far more disastrous than the abandonment of public education. Yet the strong grass-roots support for [ 9 ] �open schools in nearly every part of the State was a surprise to almost everyone. The Committee had the good fortune to be chaired by widely-respected John Sibley, Chairman of the Board of the Trust Company of Georgia. Mr. Sibley conducted the hearings with good-humored dignity and impartiality. The importance of the "Sibley Commission" in awakening Georgians to the alternatives they faced cannot be overestimated. When the Committee issued its report in April 1960, the 11-member m ajority recommended a Freedom of Choice plan, somewhat similar to Virginia's. The 8-member minority_ stood fast for segregation, even at the cost of closed schools. The division within the Committee itself reflected the sharp differences of opinion in the state. Yet for the first time in the deep South, the majority of an all-Georgia committee appointed by the State Legislature with the blessings of the State Administration recommended that existing laws be changed to allow some desegregation . . . before a Negro ch ild actually applied to enter a w hite public school. After the publication of "The Sibley Report,., Judge Hooper stayed integration of Atlanta schools for a year. On May 9, 1960, he amended the Atlan ta Plan to include desegregation of the 11th and 12th grades at the beginning of the J96 l school year. The Atlanta Plan was to become effect ive "whether or not the General Assembly of Georgia at its session in January I 961 passes permissive legislation. " In Judge Hooper's words, "to order the Atlanta Public Schools to integrate . . . in September 1960 could mean but one thing; that is, the closing of Atlan ta's schools. To postpone this ... will give the Georg ia Legislature ... one last cha nce to prevent thi s closing. " I mmedi ately fo llowi ng this fina l Court decision , HOPE called a "Georgia Open Schoo ls Co nference" attended by 500 delegates in vited from some 87 Georgi a cities, towns or counties. Edward [ 10] �R. Murrow televised this Conference in a nationwide documentary "Who Speaks for the South." As it became more acceptable to speak out openly for legislative change, many came forward with strong public statements. As a Gainesville editor put it, "You can hear minds changing all over Georgia." In the F all of 1960, open school advocates initiated "Operation Las t Chance," taking their cue from Judge Hooper's words . Armed with forthright statements from Churches (all faiths and every important denomination, including the influential Georgia Baptist Convention) ; business leaders (the Atlanta Chamber of Commerce, the Atlanta Jaycees and key individuals throughout the State); lawyers (the Atlanta and Georgia Bar Associations); educators (the Georgia Education Association , "Mr. Jim" Peters, venerable Ch airman of the State Board of Education) ; and m any others, the issue was kept constantly before the public. "D ays of Deci sion" Forums were held in Athens, Rome, A lbany, Columbus, Augusta and Savannah to plead the case for legislative change. The Georgia Chamber of Commerce conducted its own Legislative Forums, with Administration floor-leaders F r ank Twitty and Carl Sanders finding a preponderance of open-school sentiment and refl ecting this in their public statements. All this was played again st the backdrop of New Orlea ns which remained in the headlines throughout the F all. Coincident with the opening of the 1961 Legislati ve Session was the now-famous "Athen's crisis. " When two Negroes were ordered ad mitted to the Uni versity of Georgi a by U . S. District Judge W illi am A. Bootle, Governor Vandiver and the Legislature were prov ided a chaotic exa mpl e of what "bitter-end " resistance meant. Existi ng statutes wo uld fo rce closing Georgia's beloved University ( the nation's oldest state-supported institution of higher learn ing ) and this was too bitter a pill fo r even the strongest segregationists. On [ 11 ] �January 18, 1961 , S. Ernest Vandiver, who had been elected Governor of Georgia only two years prior on a platform which said he would never permit desegregation , underwent a dramatic reversal. In o~der to save the schools of Georgia , he offered a "Child Protection Plan ," through which a community can decide by local school board action or a referendum whether it wants to close its schools when it faces a court order to desegregate. If a community decides for open schools, tuition grants provide mone y for children not wishing to attend integrated schools. The Legislature promptly repealed the mandatory closing Jaws and adopted the Governor's four-bill package. The open schools advocates bad won their bat tle. Atlanta was now free to comply with its Court order, with no threat of school closings. Applications for transfer to the 11th arid 12th grades were submitted by 133 Negro children between May 1st and May 15th. After an exhaustive series of tests and interviews (required by the Atlanta Plan) ten were chosen to enter four previously allwhite high schools (Brown, Grady, Murphy and Northside) . 38 others are still in the process of appealing the Board's decision to reject their applications. One white child, Sandra Melkild, now attending Northside High School, has requested transfer to another presently all-white school , basing her request on "freedom of association ." The Atlanta School Board has denied her a transfer. On August 9th the State School Board overruled the Atlanta Board's decision ; but Judge Hooper has ordered a stay of the State Board of Education's ruling, pending a hearing. Once the conflict between State and Federal laws was resolved , emphasis shifted to desegregation with dignity. The organizations comprising the " Open Schools Movement" sent representatives to call on Dr. John Letson , Superintendent of Atlanta Public Schools, early last February to ask what citizens might do to help create a climate [ 12 ] �of calm, dignified compliance with the law. It was suggested that church, business, service and youth groups outside the immediate jurisdiction of the school administration be encouraged to play a leading role in this effort through public discussion and dissemination of information. A new group, in fact an Organization of organizations, was formed with a broad base of community support. Its name: OASIS (Organizations Assisting Schools in September) an acronym Atlantans feel is descriptive of their city. OASIS, with its 53 affiliates, is divided into three sections-Religious, Civic and Service Groups and Youth-serving Agencies. Members range from service clubs and Girl Scouts to labor unions and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Its activity has been lowkey but intensive, seeking to work through already existing organizational machinery to reach hundreds of thousands of Atlanta's citizens. OASIS has stimulated hundreds of meetings throughout the long, hot Atlanta summer. 126 volunteer discussion leaders h ave been on call to assist at gatherings varying from 200 in the Southwest Community Council to half-a-dozen an~ious parents meeting in a neighbor's living room. A Speaker's Bureau, headed by an ex-president of The Toastmasters, provides information for business and service groups. A troupe of Theater Atlanta Players has presented improvised desegregation skits for teenagers at camps and youth centers all over town . OASIS has brought over one hundred white and Negro youth leaders together and encouraged Atlanta's more prominent citizens to speak out in behalf of responsible compliance. OASIS' Religio us Section spearheaded the observance of "Law and Order Weekend (Friday, August 25th through Sunday, August 27th) during which Atlanta's prolifery of churches and synagogues conducted special prayers for peacefu l transition. Ministers were asked to take their [ I3 ] �vacations before August 15th so that they would be on hand to give moral leadership. All faiths have participated in this effort, with leading clergy and lay representatives playing active roles as catalysts. All of these efforts have received considerable support from Atlanta's newspapers, television and radio stations. Mayor William B. Hartsfield's repeated assertions that Atlanta will preserve its reputation for .g ood race relations have been followed by public and private measures designed to prevent trouble. Police Chief Herbert T. Jenkins has had officers from his department observing racial disturbances in other cities for two and one-half years. The Chief has publicly proclaimed that law and order will be maintained and warned would-be violators of penalties. School Superintendent, Dr. John Letson, has told Atlantans that anything less than desegregation with peace and dignity will "exact a price that will not be paid in full for a generation." And when school opens on August 30th, this city hopes to demonstrate that careful planning and intelligent preparation can prevent the violence that has accompanied school integration nearly everywhere else in the deep South. AN EDITORIAL P.S. WE HOPE YOU WILL READ In writing the forego ing p iece, we h ave tried to give you "just the facts. " Now Jet us tell you what's in our hearts. We had a double purpose in preparing this kit. If our schools desegregate smoothly and without incident- and the overwhelming majority of A tlantans are praying that they will- we wanted you to know why. If a rock is thrown or a demonstration staged, you ought to know that is not the whole story of our city. Ask any of our local newsmen to tell you about the " Open Schools Movement." They'll say we·re [ 14] �,, a bunch of starry-eyed amateurs-a strictly grassroots-type operation held together chiefly with scotch tape and imagination. But they'll also tell you that we held together-through three interminable uphill years to accomplish what those who thought they knew all about Georgia said never would happen in our generation. Who took part in the "Open Schools Movement?" The ordinary people who live in Atlanta-and believe ir or not, much of Georgia. The printer who donated pamphlets and hand-bills on a "pay if yo u get it" basis. The businessmen wh-o gave an office and typewriter, stationery, erasers and all that scotch tape. The lawyers who voluntered their time and brainpower to unsnarl the tangled legal thickets. But most of all, the women of Atlanta who licked the stamps, organized the meetings and stayed on the telephone until they finished the job. Yes, the unsung heroines of the "Open Schools Movement" are mostly ordinary housewives and mothers who left beds unmade and meals uncooked to insure their children's educational future. Is it over yet? Not by a long shot. There are those with whom old ways die hard. We have beard the nation's most m ilitant racists are marshaling their forces to make a stand at this "Second Battle of Atlanta." You must have heard it too- or most of you wouldn't be h ere. W hen the "symbolic ten" go to their classrooms, segregation in Georgia's common schools will be offici ally over. T here are those who wish the ten could be a thousand. There are many who object to even one. But whatever the views that divide them, A tlantans are united in a single hope : that the story that unfolds on August 30th will be m uch different from the one you might have expected . A nd when ten Negro children go to school on Wednesday, the heart of A tlanta will go i n with them. MRS. DAVfD N E IMAN Public Information Chairman OASIS ( Organizations Assisting Schools in September) [ 15 ] �Atlanta Public Schools CTTY HALL ATLANTA 3, GEORGIA To Representatives of the Press, Radio and Television: Citizens of Atlanta have long recognized that good schools are an essential part of a great city. Recent developments have demonstrated a determination on the part of all concerned to assess realisticaf!y the problems we face and to proceed with the educational tasks ahead. Teachers and others who are a part of the Atlanta public school system face the future with confidence and with the firm conviction that changes and adaptations will be made as circumstances require. I am certain that I speak for all school personnel in saying that we are happy to be a p ~rt of a great city that we are convinced will become still greater in the year ahead. Sincerel y, John W. Letson Superintendent JWL/frk [ 16 ] �jv ATLANTA l::C::. CH AM BER Of COMM ERCE 1301 COMM ERCE SUILOING / P.0, SOX 17 4 0 /ATLANTA I , GEOl'tGIA / '21•084 5 ~ f Dear Visitor: A tlanta is on trial. But so are the mass communications media of this n ation. How well we both conduct ourselves will have a great and lasting effect on this city. We, the busines leaders of this city, have never faltered in our solid support of our officials in their determin ation to obey the Jaw. We do not intend to let lawlessness impede this mature city's quest for greatness. We are going to continue to do everything possible here in Atlanta to p lay our rightful role among American cities. We like to think of ourselves as responsible citizens. We know we, in turn, can look to each of you - our visitors- fo r the same high degree of responsible journalism. Sincerely, Opie L. Shelton Executive Vice President [ 17 J �The Atlanta Plan, Amended January 18, 1960, Provides: " Whereas, The State Board of Education has not promulgated rules and regulations relative to the placement of students in the schools, and thfa Board has the inherent power of pupil placemen t, and more complete regulations are necessary. " Now therefore: To insure orderly procedures of uniform application for pupil assignment, transfer, and / or placement, and to enable the continuing improvement of the educational advantages offered the following rules and procedure shall be followed: " ( 1). In the assignment, transfer or continuance of pupils . .. the following factors and the effects or results thereof shall be considered , with respect to the individu al pupil , as well as other relevant matters: "availabie room and teaching capacity in the various schools; "the availab ility of transportation facilities; " the effect of the admission of new pupils upon established or proposed academic programs; "the suitability of established curricula for particular pupils; " the adequacy of the p upil 's academic prepara tion for admission to a particular school and curriculum; " the schol astic aptitude and relative intelligence or mental energy or ability of the pupil; " the psychological qualification of the pupil for the type of teachin g and associations involved ; " the possibility or threat of friction or disorder among pupils or oth ers; " the poss ibility of breaches of the peace or ill will; " the effect of admission of the pupil upon the academic progress of other students in a pa rticular school or fac ility thereof; " the effec t of ad mi ssion upon preva iling academic standards at a particul ar school; " th e psychol og ical effect upon the pupi l of at tend ance at a part icul ar school; " the home environment of th e pupil ; " the maintenance or severance of establi shed soc ial and psychological rel atio nships with other pup il s and with teachers; " the choice and interests of the pupil ; " the ability to accept or confor m to new and different ed ucationa l environment; " the moral s, cond uct, health and personal stand ards of the pupil ; " the request or consent of parents or guardi ans and the reaso ns ass igned th erefo r. " (2). The C ity Superintendent of Schools wi ll ad minister these prov isions, subject to the supervision of the Board. [ 18 ] �(3). The Superintendent will designate the school to which each child applying for assignment or transfer shall go. "All existing school assignments shall continue without change until or unless transfers are directed or approved by the Superintendent or his duly authorized representative. " ( 4) . Applications for admission, assignment, or transfer and/ or placement shall be directed to the Superintendent and delivered to the school principal between M ay 1st and May 15th. (5). A separate applica tion must be filed for each child. (6). Application forms must be filled out and signed by parents or guardians and notarized. The Superintendent may require interviews, tests, and investigation. (7) . Notice of action taken shall be mailed to parents or gua rdians within thirty days or not later than June 15th and will be final action " unless a hearin g before the Board is requested in writing within ten days from the date of mailin g such sta tement." (8) . Parents may file in writing objections to as, ignment or request transfer to "a designated school or to another school." The Board shall act on same within a reasonable time. A hearing will be begun within twenty days of decision by the Board that a hearing is necessa ry. (9). H ea rings on requests for transfers shall be conducted by the Board or not less th an three of the members of the Board , and decisions "of the members or a majority thereof sha ll be deemed a fin al decision by the Board ." (I 0). Unless postponement is requested by the parents or guardi an, the Board will notify them of its decision within ten days after conclusion of the hearings. Every appeal shall be fin all y conducted by the Board before September 1st. Any person dissatisfied with the final decision of the Board may appeal to the State Board of Education. (1 1). Th e Boa rd may ass ign certain pupils to vocational o r other special schools or termin ate their public school enrollm ent altogeth er. ( 12). " Beginnin g September 1, 1960, or on September 1, fo ll owin g favorable action by the General Assembly of Geo rgia, student assignm ent in the Atl anta Public School System shall be made in accord ance with aforesa id rules and regul ations and with out rega rd to race or color. F or the fi rst school yea r in which it is effecti ve, th e pl an shall app ly to the students in the 12th grade. Th ereafter , in each successive year, th e pl an shall be ex panded to the immediate lower grade; e.g. in 196 1-62 grade 11th, in 1962-6 3 gra de 10th, etc. , until all grades a re includ ed. "•:• ( 13) . " N othin g conta ined in this resolution shall prevent the separation of boys and girl s in any sch ool or grade or to prevent the assignment of boys and girls to separa te schools.·· ( 14). T hese ru les shall be contin gent upon th e enactmen t of sta tutes by the General Asse mbly o f G eorgia and shall be submi tted to the Genera l Assembly fo r approval. • O n May 9, 1960 U. S. Distri ct Jud ge H ooper rul ed th a t the P la n of t he Atla nta Boa rd of E duca ti o n fo r grad ua l desegrega tio n be put into o perat io n o n May 1, 1961. A pplicat ions to the twelfth a nd e leve nth grades of the Atla nta Public Schools were received fro m May I to I 5. [ 19 ] �The Atlanta Public Schools: Some Facts and Figures Prepared by the Atlanta Department of Education THE FOUR SCHOOLS TO BE DESEGREGATED Brown High School, named for Joseph E. Brown, Civil War governor of Georgia, is located at 765 Peeples Street, S.W. West End, as the section is popularly known, is an old and established part of the city where the population now comprises low to middle income families, although many longtime residents still retain and live in their fine old homes. It is a section of strong loyalties and considerable pride of accomplishment. The principal of the school, Maxwell Ivey, formerly principal of Hutchinson Elementary School and former Director of Athletics and coach of champion football teams, is serving his first year as a high school principal at Brown. The school may be reached from City Hall by driving west on Whitehall, thence to Gordon, left on Peeples for three blocks. There are about 1200 students and 50 teachers in the school. In 1961 there were 131 graduates with approximately 45 % attending college. Both students and teachers are very loyal to the school and its fine tradition of good conduct and high ideals. Murphy High School was opened in 1930. Its present principal is George M. McCord whose tenure as principal began in 1942. Mr. McCord is well known in national camping circles, is very active in YM CA, and other youth serving organizations. Thei address of the school is 256 C lifton Street, S.E., adjacent to Memorial Drive. The school may be reached by going east on Memorial Drive for approximately 3 miles. There are approximate ly 1200 students and 50 teachers in the school. Of the 205 graduating this year, about 50% continued in college. The community is a section of moderate priced homes, law abidi ng citizens, and church-going population. The school is particularly noted for a balanced program of meeting student needs and interests. Henry Grady High School was created in 1947 from old Boy's High School and old Tech H igh School which was once situated in the same building and on the same grounds. Named for Henry W. Grady, famous orator a nd newspaperman, the school h as taken great pride in its preparation of students for college. Located at 929 Charles Allen Drive. N. E .. ( formerly Parkway Drive) the school is relatively close to the downtown section but is also accessible to very fine resident ial areas of the city. T he school population ranges from families of lower middle in- [ 20] �comes to relatively high incomes, with considerable diversity in religious and ethnic composition. It may be reached by way of Peachtree, Ponce de Leon and Charles Allen Drive; or by Peachtree and 10th Street. The principal is Roger H . D erthick (i ncid entally, brother of Lawrence Derthick, former U. S. Commissioner of Education) who is president of the Atlanta Teachers Association. The school has an enrollment of about 1500 students and there are uO or more teachers. Approximatel y 80 % of the students continue their educatio n in college. Northside High School , whose address is 2875 Northside Drive, N .W. , is located in an upper income section of the city. Mr. W. H . Kelley has been principal of the schoo l since its inception in l 950. The school is in that portion of the c ity annexed in 1952. Former coach and Engl,ish teacher, he presides over the school with humor and dignity. The school has an enrollment of approximately 1100 a nd there are about 45 teachers. More than 88 % of the 242 graduates this year will conti nue in college. The school has maintained strong lead in football championships in recent years and is one whe re students indica te a strong school spirit. The school may be re ached by going north on the Expressway to Northside Drive, or by going Peachtree Road to West Wesley, turn left to Nortbside, then right one block. Historical Facts About Atlanta School System Established in 1872 with an enrollment of 3293 elementary pupils and 301 high school students. Inauguration of 6-3-3 orga niza tion in 1923 with 8 junior and 4 senior high schools. Enrollment 53,49 1 students in alJ sch ools. E stablishment of communi ty, co-educational comprehensive high schools in 1947. Total enrollment 60,761. Annexation of 39 schools and approximately 20,000 new st udents in 1952. Decentra liza tion of administrati on and Area organiza tion 1956. More than 42 millions expend ed fo r new school buildings since 1946. Board of Education P resident, L. J . O'Cal! aghan; Oby T. Brewer, Jr.; Dr. Rufus E. Clement; Ed S. Cook; Glenn Frick; Elmo Holt; Harold F. Jackson; Mrs. Clifford N . Ragsdale; Fred M . Shell. Administration Superintendent, D r. John W. Letson; D eputy Superintendent, D r. Rua ! W. Steph ens; Assista nt Superintendents, J arvis Ba rnes, J. Everette D eVa ughn; Area Superintendents, Dr. H . A. Bowen, Dr. Ed S. Cook, Jr. , D. W . H eidecker, Warren T . Jackson, D r. G. Y. Smith; Comptroll er, E . R. Holl ey. Direct ors and Supervisory Staff D irectors 18; Co-ordin ators and Supervisors 7; reso urce personnel 3 J. Area O rganization Decentra lization of administra tion and instructi onal supervis ion by subd ividin g to 5 geograp hica l school areas under Area Su perintendents and supervisory staffs. [ 21 ] �Schools Structural organiza tion : Elementary, kindergarten through 7; high schools, grades 7-12; 2 vocational schools; 2 evening high schools; 2 evening vocational schools; 5 special schools. No. of No. Enrollment A.D.A. Teachers Elementa ry High Schools TOTALS 75,302 29,456 104,758 119 26 145 63,562 24,640 88,202 2,265 1,220 3,485 High Schools Minimum requirements for diploma (beyond 8th grade) : English 4 units, social studies 3 units, m ath 2 units, science 2 units, "activities" 2 units, electives 5 units. College preparatory a nd distinctive diploma curricula available in all high schools. % Noof No. of A11e11ding A .D.A . Grad11a1es College Name Tea chers 23% 120 50 988 Archer 45% 36 665 112 Bass 45 % 51 1087 131 Brown 516 D ykes 25 27 547 80 East Atla nta 41 924 177 20% Fulton 552 George 30 64 80% 1356 Grady . 60 256 81 1784 243 29% Howard Murphy 49 1030 48% 205 53 1091 239 85% North Fulton ·242 44 981 88% Northside 42 O'Keefe 786 87 23% 1614 29 % Price 78 200 43 840 25 % 107 Roosevelt Smith 36 532 18% 98 1147 47 % Southwest 53 234 Sylvan 46 1021 41 % 179 Therrell 29 585 1623 Turner 69 201 45 % 2243 106 W ashingto n 324 68 % 1072 West Fulton 52 148 21 % finances Operating budget, 30 millio ns. Sources of income: local taxes 55.1 %; sta te taxes 28.2 %; other sources 2.5%; cash b ala nce 14.2 %. Allocation: administrat io n 2.1 %; instruction 71.9 %; m a intenance 4.7 %; operation 7 .0 %; opera tin g b alance 5.6%; others 8.7 %. Tea cher Salaries (Annu a l sa lary in 12 monthly payments) Certifica1io11 Mi11 in111111 Maxim 11111 Years to R each M axi11u11n $4308 4500 4920 5520 $6540 7164 7896 8688 19 22 24 25 B.A. . M.A . . . . 6 year College Doctorate Buildings and Grounds Category E lementary High School TOTALS . No. Units 130 45 175 No. Acres 535.5 343.1 878.6 [ 22 ] No. Classrooms 2 194 1186 3380 Va/11e $4 1,985,331 30,692 ,01 I 72,677 ,324 �libraries No .of Books 280,211 208,413 488,624 Categories Elementary High School TOTALS Cafeterias 0 \.) "' . ?- ~ cCo <:~ --.l "' -"' 0~ cC <: "' .'§. ., ~ ~ ~Cl:) "'t: c:i 1,312,974 306,972 1,619,946 .,, .., ~ -~"' Circulation <:~ <., "' ~ Elementary 113 5,416,697 8,813,776 $1,806,116 $1,820,732 High Schools . 24 1,666,919 2,445,01 5 921,274 920,331 TOTALS 137 7,083,616 11 ,258,791 2,727 ,390 2,741,063 Special Education "' -~ cCo 0 \.) Elementary High Schools TOTALS ~--::::~ "5: -:: .§"' 'e::"!=: -..:::: :::: ~-:- "'"' "'0 ~~ ~:t: 60 11 71 20 2 22 ,.,"< i;; Co "' - ~-~ "' c,-<:, "' ..::; ~c:i a r,.. 4 0 4 11 2 13 112 18 130 Co 'i~ . :; "'"' 17 3 20 ~ 0 0 Radio and Television Education Radio a nd television statio ns owned by Board of Education. Over 500 radio and TV sets in the schools;" over 60,000 studen ts viewing and hea ring 89 radio a nd 58 TV programs per week in 139 schools. TV instruction in Health, General Science, General Biology, World History, Physics, Social Stud ies, Mathematics, Frenc h and S panish. Health and Physical Fitness Required of all e lementa ry p upils a nd 8th a nd 9th grade stude nts. Interscholastic a thle tic program in 2 3 high schools comprises J7 teams in each hjgh school in 10 different activities under 11 5 teacher-coaches. P a rticipatio n, exclusive of bands a nd pep squads, by 5,000 students in 113 home games viewed by 200,000 spectators. Audio-Visual Education Esta blished in 1921, one of the oldest educa tional aud iovisual depa rtments in the na tion; school system has 5,000 pieces of A-V equipment and 10,000 A-V items; 2,000 presentations in classrooms; planetarium for space science instruc tion; primate ho use with fu ll-time instructor. Future Plans and Needs Three new high schools; 400 additiona l elemen tary c lassrooms; warehouse a nd school services building; administration building; c urriculum development, super-visory, and materia ls center; a utoma ted da ta processing equipment a nd staffing; expansion o f curricular a nd instructional leade rship program . [ 23 ] �MAPS of high school grounds by Atlanta Police Dept. BROWN HIGH SCHOOL GOROoN' l HENRY GRADY HIGH SCHOOL I N [ 24 ] �Red line marks curb across adjacent streets. This line encloses area off-limits to public and press. MURPHY HIGH SCHOOL -r-=- C I TY LIMIT fJEKALB co. ~ M NORTHSIDE HIGH SCHOOL fr ~ (\ <,;- . ] ~~I ,~ ~ JlW. -l1- -· - WESLE Y RO - 11- --------·-- ----- -- . J [ 25 ] . N �1 ~ Information About the Transfer Students All of the ten transfer students, in the words of Deputy School Superintendent Rua! Stephens, " have outstanding school academic records, made excellent scores on the tests given them and very favorable impressions" when the y were interviewed by school officials. Some of the 10 were accepted in spite of the fact that their residences are nearer their present schools than the schools they asked to attend . School officials said that in such instances there were factors of " overriding importance" which figured in the decisions to accept the students. In one case, a youth aspired to go to the Naval Academy at Annapolis and was unable to get the ROTC training or special college preparatory courses in m athematics and physics at his present school. School officials m ade it clear from the beginning th at an important consideration in whether a Negro student was accepted or rejected would be his chances of doing well in a new school environm ent. Those finally accepted had composite test scores wh ich in most instances exceeded the median composite scores of the grades and schools to which the y are being transferred. Allen , D emaris-16 years old. Accepted for the 12th Grade, Brown High School. Composite test score: 94.6. Median in 12th Grade at Brown: 66.4. Asked for transfer in order to receive speci al training in social studies , science and mathematics. Special interest: Arch aeology. Previous extra-curricul ar activities : Dramatic and Dance Clubs, Junior Red Cross, Honor Society. [ 26 ] �Black, Willie Jean-15 years old. Accepted for 11th Grade, Northside High School. Composite test score: 93 .8. Median in 11th Grade at Northside: 82.8. Asked for transfer because of superior curriculum offered in science and mathematics. Special interest: Medical career. Previous extracurricular activities: Laboratory assistant, Honor Society, Science program at Morris Brown College. Gaines, Donita-16 years old. Accepted for 11th Grade, Northside High School. Composite test score: 92. Median in 11th Grade at Northside: 82.8. Asked for transfer because of superior curriculum . Special interest : Engineering. Previous extra~curricular activities : Honor Society, Library Assistant, Student Government, Y-Teens. Ho lmes, Marth a A on-17 years old . Accepted for 12th Grade, Murph y High School. Composite test score : 72.2. Median in 12th Grade at Murphy : 65.6. Asked for transfer because of crowded conditions at Howard High School. Special interests: Chemistry and m athem atics. Previous extra-curricul ar activities: Band, Business-office assistant, English Club, Honor Society, Student Government. Jefferson , Lawrence-] 7 years old. Accepted for 12th Grade, Grady High School. Composite test score : 85.8. Median in 12th Grade at Grady: 79. Asked for transfer because of overcrowding at Howard H igh School. Speci al interests: Mathemat ics and English. Previous extra-curricular activities: Honor Society, Student Government, Cit y-wide Stude nt Council. [ 27 ] �McMullen, Mary James-16 years old. Accepted for 12th Grade, Grady High School. Composite test score: 69.6. Median in 12th Grade at Grady : 79. Asked for transfer because of overcrowding at Howard High School. Special interests: Social Science teaching. Previous extra-curricular activities: Basketball, Choir, Cheerleading. Nix , Madelyn-15 years old. Accepted for 11th Grade, Brown High School. Composite test score : ·83 .6. Median in 11th Grade at Brown: 65.8. Asked for transfer because of superior curriculum in mathematics and physics. Special interest : Medical ·career. Previous extra-curricular activities : Honor Society, Orchestra, Student Government. Simmons, Arthur C.-16 years old. Accepted for 12th Grade, Northside High School. Composite test score : 84.4. Median in 12th Grade at Northside : 84. Asked for transfer because of superior curriculum, particularly Mechanical D rawing. Special interest: Engineering. Previous extra-curricular activities : Honor Society. Walton , Rosalyn- 16 years old. Accepted for 11th Grade, Murphy High School. Composite test Score: 56.8. Medi an in 11th G rade Murphy: 67 .8. Asked for tra nsfer because of proxim ity to home. Special interest : E lementary school teaching. Previous extra-curricular activities : Choi r, Honor Society. Welch, Thomas E .-1 6 years old . Accepted for 11th Grade, Brown High School. Compos ite test score: 89 .2. Median in 11th G rade at Brown: 65.8. Asked for transfer in order to take ROTC, unava ilable at Washington H igh School. Special interest : Admission to A nnapolis and future N aval Career. P revious extra-curricular activities : Chorus. [ 28 l �Sigma Delta Chi Code of Ethics I. The primary function of newspapers is to communicate to the human race what its members do, feel and think. Journ a lism, therefore, demands of its practitioners the widest range of intelligence, of knowledge, and of experience, as well as natural and trained powers of observation and reasoning. To its opportunities as a chronicle are indissolvabl y linked its obligations as teacher and interpreter. II. To the end of findin g some means of codifying sound practice in just aspirations of Am erican Journ a lism these gains are se t forth: 1. RESPONS!BlLITY The right of a newspaper to attract and hold readers is restricted by nothin g but consideration of p ub lic we lfa re. The use a newspaper m akes of th e sha re of public attention it gai ns, se rves to determ ine its sense of responsibility whi ch it shares wi th ever y m ember o f its staff. A jo urn a list who uses his power for any selfish or o th erwise un wo rthy purpose is faithless to a h igh tru st. 2. FREEDOM OF THE P RESS Freedo m of th e press is to be guarded as a v ita l rig ht of m a nki nd. It is th e unqu estion able rig ht to di sc uss whatever is not explicitl y forbidden by law, incl uding the wisdom of any restrictive statu te. 3. I NDE PENDENCE Freedom fro m a ll ob liga tions, except th at o f fide lity, to th e pub lic in terest is v it al. A. Pro motion of any p ri vate interest, co ntrary to the ge nera l we lfa re, for whateve r reaso n, is not co mpatib le with honest journalism. So-called news co mmuni ca ti ons from private sources should not be published wi th o ut public notice of their sou rce or e lse substa ntiation of their claims to va lue as news, bo th in fo rm and substance. B. Pa rtisanship, in editorial comm ent, whi ch knowingly departs fro m the truth, does vio lence to the best spirit of journ a li sm ; in the news columns, it is sub versive of a fu nd amental pri nciple of the p rofessio n. 4. ALL SINCERITY, TRUST, ACCURACY. Good fa ith with the reader is the fo un datio n of all journa lism worthy of the name. [ 29 ] �Youth-Serving Organizations Section: Chairman, Mrs. John Steinhaus Co-Chairman, Mrs. R. H. Brisbane Atlanta Boys Clubs Atlanta Girls Clubs Atlanta Jewish Community Center Bethlehem Community Center B'nai B'rith Youth Organization Girl Scouts Grady Homes Community Girls Club Interdenominational Youth Center Religious Education Association Salvation Army Temple Youth Group Wesley Community House YMCA YWCA Religious Organizations Section: Co-Chairmen: Reverend Nat Long Reverend Norman Shands Atlanta Chapter, American Jewish Committee Diocesan Council of Catholic Women Georgia Council of Churches Greater Atlanta Counci l of Churches Interdenominational Ministerial Alliance United Church Women of Atlanta and Georgia Churches of every faith: Catholic, Eastern and Greek Orthodox, Jewish and Protestant; and every denomination within each faith: Jewish : Orthodox, Conservative, Reform. Protestant : Alli ance, Assembly of God, Baptist, Christian Science, C hurch of Christ, Church of God , Congregation al, Episcopal, Friends, Holiness, Latter Day Saints, Lutheran, Methodist, N aza rene, Primitive Baptist, Presbyteri an, Salvation Army, Seventh Day Adventists, United Liberal , Unity. [ 32 ] - �~ 37 � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document BACKGROUND: A Handbook for Reporters covering the desegregation of Atlanta Public Schools prepared by OASIS Organizations Assisting Schools in September Room 813, SO Whit hall Street, S.W. Atlanta 3, Georgia J �A List of People You May Want to Interview ATLANTA PUBLIC SCHOOLS Sup erintendent: Dr. John W. Letson City H all - Ja 2-3381 Deputy Superint endent: Dr. Rua! W. Stephens ATLANTA BOARD OF EDUCATION Chairman: L J. O'Callaghan 11 Marietta St., N . W. - Ja 1-0238 A ttorney: A. C. (Pete) Latimer Healey Building - 521-1282 ATLANTA DEPARTMENT OF POLICE Chief: Herbert T. Jenkins 175 Decatur St., S.E. -Ja 2-7363 ATLANTA CHAMBER Of COMMERCE President: Ben S. Gilmer American Telephone Co.: 529-8611 Executive Vice President: Opie L. Shelton Commerce Building - 521-0845 ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE STATE OF GEORGIA Eugene Cook State Judicial Building - Ja 5-0401 ATTORNEYS FOR THE TRANSFER STUDENTS Donald L. Hollowell 859 Hunter St., S.W. - Ja 5-8372 E. E. Moore, Jr. 175 Auburn Ave., N.E. - Ja 4-6861 FEDERAL DISTRICT JUDGE, NORTHERN DISTRICT OF GEORGIA Frank A. H ooper, Jr. Old Post Office Building - Mu 8-3517 GENERAL ASS EMBLY COMMITTEE ON SCHOOLS Chairman: John A. Sibley Trust Company of Georgia - Ja 2-6000 GOVERNOR OF THE STATE OF GEORGIA S. Ernest .Vandiver State Capitol - Ja 1-177 6 GREATER ATLANTA COUNCIL OF CHURCHES President: Dr. Arthur Vann Gibson Church Office: Tr 2-8939 Executive Director: Dr. Loren T . Jenks 163 Walton St. , N.W. - Ja 3-2796 GREATER ATLANTA AND GEORGIA COUNCILS ON HUMAN RELATIONS Director (Atlanta ): Mrs. Walter Paschall 41 Exchange Pl. , S.E. - 525-6468 Director (Georgia): Mrs. William C. Pauley 41 Exchange Pl. , S.E. - 525-6468 �GUTS (GEORGIANS UNWILLING TO SURRENDER) Lester G. Maddox Home: Ce 3-4374, Business: Tr 4-9344 HOPE, IN C. (HELP OUR PUBLIC EDUCATION) Chairman: Mrs. Thomas M. Breeden Home: Bl 5-3820 LEAGUES OF WOMEN VOTERS OF ATLANTA AND GEORGIA President (Atlanta): Mrs. Rushton Coulborn 1036 Peachtree St., N.E. - 876-0732 President (Georgia ·: Mrs . Fleming Law 7 - 17th St. - Tr 2-4075 Public R elations Chairman: Mrs. Edward Vinson , Dr 7-5286 MAYOR OF THE CITY O.F ATLANTA William B. H artsfield City H all - Ja 2-4463 N. A. A. C. P.-ATLANTA BRANCH President: Reverend Samuel W. Williams Church Office: Mu 8-0206 Executive Director: James Gibson 236 Aubu rn Ave., N .E . - M u 8-6064 OASIS (ORGANIZATION S ASSISTING SCHOOLS IN SEPTEMBER) G eneral Chairman: Mrs . Philip Hammer Home : Ce 3-0955 Vice Chairman: Rev. Allison Williams Church Office: Ce 7-6491 Vice Ch airman: Mrs. William S. Shelfer Dr 3-0765 Secretary -Treasurer: Mrs. Hamilton Lokey Ce 7-4215 Executive Director: Mrs. J. C. Harris 50 Whitehall St. - Ja 5-8469 Pub lic Information Chairman: M rs. D avid Neim an - Ce 7-0209 SO U THERN REGI ONAL COUNCIL Executi ve Director: Dr. Leslie W . Dunbar 5 F orsyth St. , N .W. - 522-8764 STAT E D EPARTMENT OF EDUCATION Superintendent: D r. Claude Purcell State Office Building - 688-2390 UNITED CHUR CH W O MEN OF ATLANTA President: Mrs . P hil B. Narmore 872-5 862 �RALPH Atlanta has sought in all things to be a responsible city. This is her great tradition. As early as December 1889, Henry W. Grady, whose name is on our modern and beautiful city hospital, on one of our finest schools, on one of our hotels, and whose statue stands in the heart of our city, said, in a speech made to the Merchants of Boston : "The problem of race ... is so bound up in our honora ble obligation to the world th at we would no t disentangle it if we could ... I would rather see my people render back this question rightl y solved th an to see them gather all the spoils over which fac tion has contended since Cataline conspired and Caesar fought. " This was Grady's basic a pproac h. His opinions, dealing with the context of hi s time, do not all jibe with tod ay's. But, he was rig ht in the great sense .. . it must be rightly solved. This is the city which welcomed back General Sherman, not many years after the war, and gave him a tremendous reception , including a dinner attended by Confederate veterans who directl y had opposed him-a nd who had been driven from the city which he proceeded , in time, to burn. This is the city which has always tri ed to look forw ard , not backward . It has never wa nted to be an old Southern city, caught like a fl y in amber, and dying of qu aintness and musty charm. From the tim e the so und of hammers and the ras p of saws bega n to be heard in the rebuilding of the city after Sherman's fires had died , we have sought to bu ild into th e city a belief in the principles of thi s country, of justice and opportunity. We have not always succeeded . T he record is not unm arred. But we h ave never ceased to try. One of our great strengths is that there have [ 2] �..L been attracted here the graduates of the many institutions over the nation. Every year we are pleased to carry items about the local alumni of Wisconsin , of Minnesota, of California, of Princeton , Yale, Harvard , Smith, Radcliff, Vassar, et al, who are to have a luncheon or dinner and are calling on the faithful to attend. Atlanta has attracted, too, many of the more ambitious young men and women from the smaller cities and towns of our own state and others of the South. We are a city of transportation and communication , and this has brought t·o us young executive and professional men . This press pack is an example. A great many persons, all volunteers, have worked on it. They want yo u to know that after the school decision by the U. S. Supreme Court, this was a city in which there was a debate and a continuing exchange of ideas. The White Citizens Councils, the Klans, and others of that mentality, could , and did, have their say. But they were answered. They did not dominate. They could not coerce or intimidate, as they did in neighboring states. The men and women who have compiled this press pack represent volunteer citizen organizatio ns wh ich have worked for public schools-and for the orderly processes of law. We, of the press, radio and television , have helped them have their say . We commend them to you. One never knows. The forces of evil and violence are unpredictable. But we believe that the overwhe lmin g sentim ent in thi s city is for lawf ul procedures. W hat we chiefly want yo u to know is that we have not been idle. We h ave not sa t with folded hands and wa ited. We h ave not left it for others to do. The people of the city have tried to organize public opinion , and , more important, to inform it. Th is press pack contains the essence of that effort. RALPH McGI LL Publisher, The Atlanta Constitution [3] �CITY OF A T LA NTA OFF ICE of th e MAYOR A t lanta 3, G e o rg ia To the Gentlemen of the Press: On behalf of the City of Atlanta, it is my pleasure to extend you a cordi al welcome. · You have traveled far in order to be present as history is once again made in Atlanta . Knowing Atlanta and her people , I have every confidence that the story you flash to the world will be a positive, dramatic picture of a great City facing profound change with di gnity; a City continuing to be a credit to the N ation ; a City too busy to hate. May your stay with us be both enjoyable and rewarding. And when you go , may you take with you in your mind a memory of the South at its best, and in your heart, a desire to return. We ar e always glad to have you with us. Sincerely yours, Mayor [ 4] �CITY OF ATLANTA DEPARTMENT of POLICE Atlanta 3, Georgia ST ATEMENT OF HERBERT T . JENKINS, CHIEF OF THE ATLA NTA POLICE DEPA RTMENT "T he Board of E ducati on and the Superintendent of Schools bas original and ·complete jurisdiction to operate the public schools of Atlanta. In accordance with state and F ederal regulations and u nder order fro m the Federal Court, the Atlanta schools will be desegregated when school opens on August 30, 196 1. "If an y person or persons object to the m anner or method of operation of the A tlanta Public Sch ools, those objecti ons must be m ade to the Superintendent of School's offi ce at the City H all, and u nder no circum stances will objections be disc ussed , or disturbances be permitted at any of the ind ividua l schools. "Local and State laws have always surrounded and provided special protection for public worship and public schools. Section 36. 14 of the City Code forbid s distu rbi ng public schools and states that 'no person, at or near any p ublic sch ool, shall , by co nversation, sign, or otherwise, engage the attention of any of the pupil s, to the disturbance of such school. ' 'The highest value of the law is the keepin g of the peace- the Atlanta Police D epartment has fu ll responsibility and authority to maintain the peace and good order over the entire city, and espec iall y at and aro und the schools." August 1, 1961 [ 5] �BACKGROUND: ATLANTA {19S4-1961) When the Supreme Court Decision of May 1954 put an end to legal segregation in the nation's schools, Georgia, like other deep South states, adopted an official policy of last-ditch legal resistance. Despite protests from the Georgia Education Association, the League of Women Voters and oth~r responsible citizens' groups, the General Assembly of 1955 adopted a "Private School Plan" which included , among other measures, a provision to cut off funds from any school system which attempted to desegregate. Secure in their legal "Magi not Line" and unhampered by fea r of Federal initiative in enforcing the ruling in "Brown vs. Topeka," most Georgians felt the Supreme Court's emphasis was on the word "deliberate" rather than "speed." Schools would continue in the traditional way; regional mores would remain unchanged. The bitter lessons of Little Rock and Norfolk were as yet unlearned. The changes in Baltimore, St. Louis and Louisville were not deep-South enough to stir Georgians from the blanket of apath y which then covered the entire school question. The first brush with realit y came in January 1958, when a group of Atlanta Negroes. in a "class action ," filed suit agai nst the Atlanta School Board . The suit (Calhoun et al vs. Latimer ) asked that the School Board be enjoi ned from practicing racial discrimination in the public schools. When in June of 19 59 U. S. District Judge Frank Hooper ruled in favor of the pl aintiffs and ordered the Atlanta Board to submit a plan for desegregation by the fo llowing December, the handwriting was clearl y on the wall. The [ 6 ] �School Board had no alternative but to submit a plan. Yet any plan to desegregate Atlanta's schools would be squarely in conflict with Georgia's m assive resistance laws and would automatically fo rce their closure. Meanwhile, in October of 1958, echoes from Norfolk and Little Rock began to reverberate along the Peachtrees. Anxious letters were written to the newspapers. Isol ated groups of citizens held meetings. In November, the School Committee of the Atl anta League of Women Voters publicly submitted ten questions to the School Board, the most important of which was, "Will every school in A tlanta close if the Courts order integration?" T he School Board withheld a public answer since the y were litigants in the pending Court suit; but an Atlanta Constitution columnist outlined the city's dilemma. On November 25th, under the auspices of the League of Women Voters, an open meeting was called to discuss ways and means of keeping schools open. A steering committee was fo rmed to seek coopera tion with the business and fi nanci al leadership of A tl anta. Since it was felt that a public stand at that time would be undesira bl e and premature, the steering committee neve r got off th e ground . T he disengagement of the loca l power structure , the unyielding "never" of the State political leadershi p and th e strident, often threatening segregationist voices clai ming th at "no school s are better than in tegrated ones" were powerful deterrents to organized community action. Yet because the Atlanta papers respo nsibly reported the news fro m other So uth ern cities, pointing out editoriall y the tragic consequences of m assive resista nce elsewhere, ma ny A tl antan s realized their public schools were in jeopardy and sought a way to save them. On December 9, 1958, eighteen white parents chartered HOPE, Inc. (Help O ur P ublic Education), choosing to avoid the integration vs. segregation iss ue by taking an u ncomplicated stand [ 7 ] �for open public schools, period. Conceived primarily as an educational organization designed to clear up the fog of confusion engendered by "massive resistance," "interposition" and other socalled alternatives to compliance, it rapidly became a rallying ground for moderates who previously had suffered to remain silent. With the fervor and enthusiasm only amateurs could maintain, HOPE spawned a welter of public manifestos (Ministers, Educators and Doctors, to name just a few) and generated enough interest by March of 1959 to hold a public rally which drew upwards of 1,500 people and some prominent speakers in support of open schools (Atlanta Mayor Hartsfield, Publisher Ralph McGill, Georgia Legislator M. M. (Muggsy) Smith and Editor Sylvan Meyer) . Favorable press, radio and television coverage Iof the March rally established a bona-fide "Open Schools Movement." HOPE chapters formed in Gainesville, Marietta, Jonesboro, Rome, Athens, Macon and Savannah with other nuclei of interested supporters in cities and towns throughout the state. Inevitably there was opposition, much of it wellfinanced and organized. In addition to the States Rights Council led by Augusta politico, Ro y Harris, the Klans and White Citizens Councils, Atlanta-based centers of resistance such as MASE (Metropolitan Association for Segregated Education) and later GUTS (Georgians Unwilling to Surrender) headed by Lester Maddox, now a candidate in the five-cornered Atlanta m ayoralty race, sprang up to harass open school advocates. On November 30, 1959 the Atlanta School Board submitted a stair-step plan for desegregation of the public school s begi nning with the 12th grade (given in full elsewhere in this pamphlet) . Judge Hooper approved the plan on January 20, 1960 and ordered it into effect the following September; or as soon as the General Assembly of Georgia could enact statutes to allow Atlanta schools to operate. [ 8] �In an attempt to influence legislative action, open school supporters mounted an educational crash program. Mayor Hartsfield proclaimed a "Save Our Schools Week" in Atlanta. Representatives of state-wide civic groups joined together in a coordinated effort. Legislators, business leaders and other opinion-makers throughout the state received repeated mailings underlinin·g the social, economic and educational disasters accompanying school closings elsewhere. The Fulton and DeKalb County legislative delegations which previously had withheld unanimous support, promised to seek legislative change. They were joined by a handful of salons from other parts of the state; but the prevailing sentiment when the General Assembly convened was to let Atlanta bear the brunt of school closings to preserve segregation elsewhere in Georgia. · All during the legislative session public pressure in behalf of open schools grew stronger. Delegations of open school supporters called on Governor Vandiver, Senator Russell, Senator Talmadge and as many legislators as they could buttonhole. As a. result, the Legislature appointed a nineteenmember "General Assembly Committee on Schools" empowered to conduct hearings in each of the State's Congress ional Districts to find out whether "the people of Georgia may wish to make a deliberate determination as to whether future education is to be afforded through direct tuition payments for use in private schools devoid of governmental control , or whether the public school system as it presently exists shall be maintained notwithstanding that the school system of A tlanta and even others yet to come may be integrated . . . " Cynics regarded the Committee as a delaying tactic at best. It had power only to inquire and recommend and it was a foregone conclusion that most Georgians considered "race-mixing" far more disastrous than the abandonment of public education. Yet the strong grass-roots support for [ 9 ] �open schools in nearly every part of the State was a surprise to almost everyone. The Committee had the good fortune to be chaired by widely-respected John Sibley, Chairman of the Board of the Trust Company of Georgia. Mr. Sibley conducted the hearings with good-humored dignity and impartiality. The importance of the "Sibley Commission" in awakening Georgians to the alternatives they faced cannot be overestimated. When the Committee issued its report in April 1960, the 11-member m ajority recommended a Freedom of Choice plan, somewhat similar to Virginia's. The 8-member minority_ stood fast for segregation, even at the cost of closed schools. The division within the Committee itself reflected the sharp differences of opinion in the state. Yet for the first time in the deep South, the majority of an all-Georgia committee appointed by the State Legislature with the blessings of the State Administration recommended that existing laws be changed to allow some desegregation . . . before a Negro ch ild actually applied to enter a w hite public school. After the publication of "The Sibley Report,., Judge Hooper stayed integration of Atlanta schools for a year. On May 9, 1960, he amended the Atlan ta Plan to include desegregation of the 11th and 12th grades at the beginning of the J96 l school year. The Atlanta Plan was to become effect ive "whether or not the General Assembly of Georgia at its session in January I 961 passes permissive legislation. " In Judge Hooper's words, "to order the Atlanta Public Schools to integrate . . . in September 1960 could mean but one thing; that is, the closing of Atlan ta's schools. To postpone this ... will give the Georg ia Legislature ... one last cha nce to prevent thi s closing. " I mmedi ately fo llowi ng this fina l Court decision , HOPE called a "Georgia Open Schoo ls Co nference" attended by 500 delegates in vited from some 87 Georgi a cities, towns or counties. Edward [ 10] �R. Murrow televised this Conference in a nationwide documentary "Who Speaks for the South." As it became more acceptable to speak out openly for legislative change, many came forward with strong public statements. As a Gainesville editor put it, "You can hear minds changing all over Georgia." In the F all of 1960, open school advocates initiated "Operation Las t Chance," taking their cue from Judge Hooper's words . Armed with forthright statements from Churches (all faiths and every important denomination, including the influential Georgia Baptist Convention) ; business leaders (the Atlanta Chamber of Commerce, the Atlanta Jaycees and key individuals throughout the State); lawyers (the Atlanta and Georgia Bar Associations); educators (the Georgia Education Association , "Mr. Jim" Peters, venerable Ch airman of the State Board of Education) ; and m any others, the issue was kept constantly before the public. "D ays of Deci sion" Forums were held in Athens, Rome, A lbany, Columbus, Augusta and Savannah to plead the case for legislative change. The Georgia Chamber of Commerce conducted its own Legislative Forums, with Administration floor-leaders F r ank Twitty and Carl Sanders finding a preponderance of open-school sentiment and refl ecting this in their public statements. All this was played again st the backdrop of New Orlea ns which remained in the headlines throughout the F all. Coincident with the opening of the 1961 Legislati ve Session was the now-famous "Athen's crisis. " When two Negroes were ordered ad mitted to the Uni versity of Georgi a by U . S. District Judge W illi am A. Bootle, Governor Vandiver and the Legislature were prov ided a chaotic exa mpl e of what "bitter-end " resistance meant. Existi ng statutes wo uld fo rce closing Georgia's beloved University ( the nation's oldest state-supported institution of higher learn ing ) and this was too bitter a pill fo r even the strongest segregationists. On [ 11 ] �January 18, 1961 , S. Ernest Vandiver, who had been elected Governor of Georgia only two years prior on a platform which said he would never permit desegregation , underwent a dramatic reversal. In o~der to save the schools of Georgia , he offered a "Child Protection Plan ," through which a community can decide by local school board action or a referendum whether it wants to close its schools when it faces a court order to desegregate. If a community decides for open schools, tuition grants provide mone y for children not wishing to attend integrated schools. The Legislature promptly repealed the mandatory closing Jaws and adopted the Governor's four-bill package. The open schools advocates bad won their bat tle. Atlanta was now free to comply with its Court order, with no threat of school closings. Applications for transfer to the 11th arid 12th grades were submitted by 133 Negro children between May 1st and May 15th. After an exhaustive series of tests and interviews (required by the Atlanta Plan) ten were chosen to enter four previously allwhite high schools (Brown, Grady, Murphy and Northside) . 38 others are still in the process of appealing the Board's decision to reject their applications. One white child, Sandra Melkild, now attending Northside High School, has requested transfer to another presently all-white school , basing her request on "freedom of association ." The Atlanta School Board has denied her a transfer. On August 9th the State School Board overruled the Atlanta Board's decision ; but Judge Hooper has ordered a stay of the State Board of Education's ruling, pending a hearing. Once the conflict between State and Federal laws was resolved , emphasis shifted to desegregation with dignity. The organizations comprising the " Open Schools Movement" sent representatives to call on Dr. John Letson , Superintendent of Atlanta Public Schools, early last February to ask what citizens might do to help create a climate [ 12 ] �of calm, dignified compliance with the law. It was suggested that church, business, service and youth groups outside the immediate jurisdiction of the school administration be encouraged to play a leading role in this effort through public discussion and dissemination of information. A new group, in fact an Organization of organizations, was formed with a broad base of community support. Its name: OASIS (Organizations Assisting Schools in September) an acronym Atlantans feel is descriptive of their city. OASIS, with its 53 affiliates, is divided into three sections-Religious, Civic and Service Groups and Youth-serving Agencies. Members range from service clubs and Girl Scouts to labor unions and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Its activity has been lowkey but intensive, seeking to work through already existing organizational machinery to reach hundreds of thousands of Atlanta's citizens. OASIS has stimulated hundreds of meetings throughout the long, hot Atlanta summer. 126 volunteer discussion leaders h ave been on call to assist at gatherings varying from 200 in the Southwest Community Council to half-a-dozen an~ious parents meeting in a neighbor's living room. A Speaker's Bureau, headed by an ex-president of The Toastmasters, provides information for business and service groups. A troupe of Theater Atlanta Players has presented improvised desegregation skits for teenagers at camps and youth centers all over town . OASIS has brought over one hundred white and Negro youth leaders together and encouraged Atlanta's more prominent citizens to speak out in behalf of responsible compliance. OASIS' Religio us Section spearheaded the observance of "Law and Order Weekend (Friday, August 25th through Sunday, August 27th) during which Atlanta's prolifery of churches and synagogues conducted special prayers for peacefu l transition. Ministers were asked to take their [ I3 ] �vacations before August 15th so that they would be on hand to give moral leadership. All faiths have participated in this effort, with leading clergy and lay representatives playing active roles as catalysts. All of these efforts have received considerable support from Atlanta's newspapers, television and radio stations. Mayor William B. Hartsfield's repeated assertions that Atlanta will preserve its reputation for .g ood race relations have been followed by public and private measures designed to prevent trouble. Police Chief Herbert T. Jenkins has had officers from his department observing racial disturbances in other cities for two and one-half years. The Chief has publicly proclaimed that law and order will be maintained and warned would-be violators of penalties. School Superintendent, Dr. John Letson, has told Atlantans that anything less than desegregation with peace and dignity will "exact a price that will not be paid in full for a generation." And when school opens on August 30th, this city hopes to demonstrate that careful planning and intelligent preparation can prevent the violence that has accompanied school integration nearly everywhere else in the deep South. AN EDITORIAL P.S. WE HOPE YOU WILL READ In writing the forego ing p iece, we h ave tried to give you "just the facts. " Now Jet us tell you what's in our hearts. We had a double purpose in preparing this kit. If our schools desegregate smoothly and without incident- and the overwhelming majority of A tlantans are praying that they will- we wanted you to know why. If a rock is thrown or a demonstration staged, you ought to know that is not the whole story of our city. Ask any of our local newsmen to tell you about the " Open Schools Movement." They'll say we·re [ 14] �,, a bunch of starry-eyed amateurs-a strictly grassroots-type operation held together chiefly with scotch tape and imagination. But they'll also tell you that we held together-through three interminable uphill years to accomplish what those who thought they knew all about Georgia said never would happen in our generation. Who took part in the "Open Schools Movement?" The ordinary people who live in Atlanta-and believe ir or not, much of Georgia. The printer who donated pamphlets and hand-bills on a "pay if yo u get it" basis. The businessmen wh-o gave an office and typewriter, stationery, erasers and all that scotch tape. The lawyers who voluntered their time and brainpower to unsnarl the tangled legal thickets. But most of all, the women of Atlanta who licked the stamps, organized the meetings and stayed on the telephone until they finished the job. Yes, the unsung heroines of the "Open Schools Movement" are mostly ordinary housewives and mothers who left beds unmade and meals uncooked to insure their children's educational future. Is it over yet? Not by a long shot. There are those with whom old ways die hard. We have beard the nation's most m ilitant racists are marshaling their forces to make a stand at this "Second Battle of Atlanta." You must have heard it too- or most of you wouldn't be h ere. W hen the "symbolic ten" go to their classrooms, segregation in Georgia's common schools will be offici ally over. T here are those who wish the ten could be a thousand. There are many who object to even one. But whatever the views that divide them, A tlantans are united in a single hope : that the story that unfolds on August 30th will be m uch different from the one you might have expected . A nd when ten Negro children go to school on Wednesday, the heart of A tlanta will go i n with them. MRS. DAVfD N E IMAN Public Information Chairman OASIS ( Organizations Assisting Schools in September) [ 15 ] �Atlanta Public Schools CTTY HALL ATLANTA 3, GEORGIA To Representatives of the Press, Radio and Television: Citizens of Atlanta have long recognized that good schools are an essential part of a great city. Recent developments have demonstrated a determination on the part of all concerned to assess realisticaf!y the problems we face and to proceed with the educational tasks ahead. Teachers and others who are a part of the Atlanta public school system face the future with confidence and with the firm conviction that changes and adaptations will be made as circumstances require. I am certain that I speak for all school personnel in saying that we are happy to be a p ~rt of a great city that we are convinced will become still greater in the year ahead. Sincerel y, John W. Letson Superintendent JWL/frk [ 16 ] �jv ATLANTA l::C::. CH AM BER Of COMM ERCE 1301 COMM ERCE SUILOING / P.0, SOX 17 4 0 /ATLANTA I , GEOl'tGIA / '21•084 5 ~ f Dear Visitor: A tlanta is on trial. But so are the mass communications media of this n ation. How well we both conduct ourselves will have a great and lasting effect on this city. We, the busines leaders of this city, have never faltered in our solid support of our officials in their determin ation to obey the Jaw. We do not intend to let lawlessness impede this mature city's quest for greatness. We are going to continue to do everything possible here in Atlanta to p lay our rightful role among American cities. We like to think of ourselves as responsible citizens. We know we, in turn, can look to each of you - our visitors- fo r the same high degree of responsible journalism. Sincerely, Opie L. Shelton Executive Vice President [ 17 J �The Atlanta Plan, Amended January 18, 1960, Provides: " Whereas, The State Board of Education has not promulgated rules and regulations relative to the placement of students in the schools, and thfa Board has the inherent power of pupil placemen t, and more complete regulations are necessary. " Now therefore: To insure orderly procedures of uniform application for pupil assignment, transfer, and / or placement, and to enable the continuing improvement of the educational advantages offered the following rules and procedure shall be followed: " ( 1). In the assignment, transfer or continuance of pupils . .. the following factors and the effects or results thereof shall be considered , with respect to the individu al pupil , as well as other relevant matters: "availabie room and teaching capacity in the various schools; "the availab ility of transportation facilities; " the effect of the admission of new pupils upon established or proposed academic programs; "the suitability of established curricula for particular pupils; " the adequacy of the p upil 's academic prepara tion for admission to a particular school and curriculum; " the schol astic aptitude and relative intelligence or mental energy or ability of the pupil; " the psychological qualification of the pupil for the type of teachin g and associations involved ; " the possibility or threat of friction or disorder among pupils or oth ers; " the poss ibility of breaches of the peace or ill will; " the effect of admission of the pupil upon the academic progress of other students in a pa rticular school or fac ility thereof; " the effec t of ad mi ssion upon preva iling academic standards at a particul ar school; " th e psychol og ical effect upon the pupi l of at tend ance at a part icul ar school; " the home environment of th e pupil ; " the maintenance or severance of establi shed soc ial and psychological rel atio nships with other pup il s and with teachers; " the choice and interests of the pupil ; " the ability to accept or confor m to new and different ed ucationa l environment; " the moral s, cond uct, health and personal stand ards of the pupil ; " the request or consent of parents or guardi ans and the reaso ns ass igned th erefo r. " (2). The C ity Superintendent of Schools wi ll ad minister these prov isions, subject to the supervision of the Board. [ 18 ] �(3). The Superintendent will designate the school to which each child applying for assignment or transfer shall go. "All existing school assignments shall continue without change until or unless transfers are directed or approved by the Superintendent or his duly authorized representative. " ( 4) . Applications for admission, assignment, or transfer and/ or placement shall be directed to the Superintendent and delivered to the school principal between M ay 1st and May 15th. (5). A separate applica tion must be filed for each child. (6). Application forms must be filled out and signed by parents or guardians and notarized. The Superintendent may require interviews, tests, and investigation. (7) . Notice of action taken shall be mailed to parents or gua rdians within thirty days or not later than June 15th and will be final action " unless a hearin g before the Board is requested in writing within ten days from the date of mailin g such sta tement." (8) . Parents may file in writing objections to as, ignment or request transfer to "a designated school or to another school." The Board shall act on same within a reasonable time. A hearing will be begun within twenty days of decision by the Board that a hearing is necessa ry. (9). H ea rings on requests for transfers shall be conducted by the Board or not less th an three of the members of the Board , and decisions "of the members or a majority thereof sha ll be deemed a fin al decision by the Board ." (I 0). Unless postponement is requested by the parents or guardi an, the Board will notify them of its decision within ten days after conclusion of the hearings. Every appeal shall be fin all y conducted by the Board before September 1st. Any person dissatisfied with the final decision of the Board may appeal to the State Board of Education. (1 1). Th e Boa rd may ass ign certain pupils to vocational o r other special schools or termin ate their public school enrollm ent altogeth er. ( 12). " Beginnin g September 1, 1960, or on September 1, fo ll owin g favorable action by the General Assembly of Geo rgia, student assignm ent in the Atl anta Public School System shall be made in accord ance with aforesa id rules and regul ations and with out rega rd to race or color. F or the fi rst school yea r in which it is effecti ve, th e pl an shall app ly to the students in the 12th grade. Th ereafter , in each successive year, th e pl an shall be ex panded to the immediate lower grade; e.g. in 196 1-62 grade 11th, in 1962-6 3 gra de 10th, etc. , until all grades a re includ ed. "•:• ( 13) . " N othin g conta ined in this resolution shall prevent the separation of boys and girl s in any sch ool or grade or to prevent the assignment of boys and girls to separa te schools.·· ( 14). T hese ru les shall be contin gent upon th e enactmen t of sta tutes by the General Asse mbly o f G eorgia and shall be submi tted to the Genera l Assembly fo r approval. • O n May 9, 1960 U. S. Distri ct Jud ge H ooper rul ed th a t the P la n of t he Atla nta Boa rd of E duca ti o n fo r grad ua l desegrega tio n be put into o perat io n o n May 1, 1961. A pplicat ions to the twelfth a nd e leve nth grades of the Atla nta Public Schools were received fro m May I to I 5. [ 19 ] �The Atlanta Public Schools: Some Facts and Figures Prepared by the Atlanta Department of Education THE FOUR SCHOOLS TO BE DESEGREGATED Brown High School, named for Joseph E. Brown, Civil War governor of Georgia, is located at 765 Peeples Street, S.W. West End, as the section is popularly known, is an old and established part of the city where the population now comprises low to middle income families, although many longtime residents still retain and live in their fine old homes. It is a section of strong loyalties and considerable pride of accomplishment. The principal of the school, Maxwell Ivey, formerly principal of Hutchinson Elementary School and former Director of Athletics and coach of champion football teams, is serving his first year as a high school principal at Brown. The school may be reached from City Hall by driving west on Whitehall, thence to Gordon, left on Peeples for three blocks. There are about 1200 students and 50 teachers in the school. In 1961 there were 131 graduates with approximately 45 % attending college. Both students and teachers are very loyal to the school and its fine tradition of good conduct and high ideals. Murphy High School was opened in 1930. Its present principal is George M. McCord whose tenure as principal began in 1942. Mr. McCord is well known in national camping circles, is very active in YM CA, and other youth serving organizations. Thei address of the school is 256 C lifton Street, S.E., adjacent to Memorial Drive. The school may be reached by going east on Memorial Drive for approximately 3 miles. There are approximate ly 1200 students and 50 teachers in the school. Of the 205 graduating this year, about 50% continued in college. The community is a section of moderate priced homes, law abidi ng citizens, and church-going population. The school is particularly noted for a balanced program of meeting student needs and interests. Henry Grady High School was created in 1947 from old Boy's High School and old Tech H igh School which was once situated in the same building and on the same grounds. Named for Henry W. Grady, famous orator a nd newspaperman, the school h as taken great pride in its preparation of students for college. Located at 929 Charles Allen Drive. N. E .. ( formerly Parkway Drive) the school is relatively close to the downtown section but is also accessible to very fine resident ial areas of the city. T he school population ranges from families of lower middle in- [ 20] �comes to relatively high incomes, with considerable diversity in religious and ethnic composition. It may be reached by way of Peachtree, Ponce de Leon and Charles Allen Drive; or by Peachtree and 10th Street. The principal is Roger H . D erthick (i ncid entally, brother of Lawrence Derthick, former U. S. Commissioner of Education) who is president of the Atlanta Teachers Association. The school has an enrollment of about 1500 students and there are uO or more teachers. Approximatel y 80 % of the students continue their educatio n in college. Northside High School , whose address is 2875 Northside Drive, N .W. , is located in an upper income section of the city. Mr. W. H . Kelley has been principal of the schoo l since its inception in l 950. The school is in that portion of the c ity annexed in 1952. Former coach and Engl,ish teacher, he presides over the school with humor and dignity. The school has an enrollment of approximately 1100 a nd there are about 45 teachers. More than 88 % of the 242 graduates this year will conti nue in college. The school has maintained strong lead in football championships in recent years and is one whe re students indica te a strong school spirit. The school may be re ached by going north on the Expressway to Northside Drive, or by going Peachtree Road to West Wesley, turn left to Nortbside, then right one block. Historical Facts About Atlanta School System Established in 1872 with an enrollment of 3293 elementary pupils and 301 high school students. Inauguration of 6-3-3 orga niza tion in 1923 with 8 junior and 4 senior high schools. Enrollment 53,49 1 students in alJ sch ools. E stablishment of communi ty, co-educational comprehensive high schools in 1947. Total enrollment 60,761. Annexation of 39 schools and approximately 20,000 new st udents in 1952. Decentra liza tion of administrati on and Area organiza tion 1956. More than 42 millions expend ed fo r new school buildings since 1946. Board of Education P resident, L. J . O'Cal! aghan; Oby T. Brewer, Jr.; Dr. Rufus E. Clement; Ed S. Cook; Glenn Frick; Elmo Holt; Harold F. Jackson; Mrs. Clifford N . Ragsdale; Fred M . Shell. Administration Superintendent, D r. John W. Letson; D eputy Superintendent, D r. Rua ! W. Steph ens; Assista nt Superintendents, J arvis Ba rnes, J. Everette D eVa ughn; Area Superintendents, Dr. H . A. Bowen, Dr. Ed S. Cook, Jr. , D. W . H eidecker, Warren T . Jackson, D r. G. Y. Smith; Comptroll er, E . R. Holl ey. Direct ors and Supervisory Staff D irectors 18; Co-ordin ators and Supervisors 7; reso urce personnel 3 J. Area O rganization Decentra lization of administra tion and instructi onal supervis ion by subd ividin g to 5 geograp hica l school areas under Area Su perintendents and supervisory staffs. [ 21 ] �Schools Structural organiza tion : Elementary, kindergarten through 7; high schools, grades 7-12; 2 vocational schools; 2 evening high schools; 2 evening vocational schools; 5 special schools. No. of No. Enrollment A.D.A. Teachers Elementa ry High Schools TOTALS 75,302 29,456 104,758 119 26 145 63,562 24,640 88,202 2,265 1,220 3,485 High Schools Minimum requirements for diploma (beyond 8th grade) : English 4 units, social studies 3 units, m ath 2 units, science 2 units, "activities" 2 units, electives 5 units. College preparatory a nd distinctive diploma curricula available in all high schools. % Noof No. of A11e11ding A .D.A . Grad11a1es College Name Tea chers 23% 120 50 988 Archer 45% 36 665 112 Bass 45 % 51 1087 131 Brown 516 D ykes 25 27 547 80 East Atla nta 41 924 177 20% Fulton 552 George 30 64 80% 1356 Grady . 60 256 81 1784 243 29% Howard Murphy 49 1030 48% 205 53 1091 239 85% North Fulton ·242 44 981 88% Northside 42 O'Keefe 786 87 23% 1614 29 % Price 78 200 43 840 25 % 107 Roosevelt Smith 36 532 18% 98 1147 47 % Southwest 53 234 Sylvan 46 1021 41 % 179 Therrell 29 585 1623 Turner 69 201 45 % 2243 106 W ashingto n 324 68 % 1072 West Fulton 52 148 21 % finances Operating budget, 30 millio ns. Sources of income: local taxes 55.1 %; sta te taxes 28.2 %; other sources 2.5%; cash b ala nce 14.2 %. Allocation: administrat io n 2.1 %; instruction 71.9 %; m a intenance 4.7 %; operation 7 .0 %; opera tin g b alance 5.6%; others 8.7 %. Tea cher Salaries (Annu a l sa lary in 12 monthly payments) Certifica1io11 Mi11 in111111 Maxim 11111 Years to R each M axi11u11n $4308 4500 4920 5520 $6540 7164 7896 8688 19 22 24 25 B.A. . M.A . . . . 6 year College Doctorate Buildings and Grounds Category E lementary High School TOTALS . No. Units 130 45 175 No. Acres 535.5 343.1 878.6 [ 22 ] No. Classrooms 2 194 1186 3380 Va/11e $4 1,985,331 30,692 ,01 I 72,677 ,324 �libraries No .of Books 280,211 208,413 488,624 Categories Elementary High School TOTALS Cafeterias 0 \.) "' . ?- ~ cCo <:~ --.l "' -"' 0~ cC <: "' .'§. ., ~ ~ ~Cl:) "'t: c:i 1,312,974 306,972 1,619,946 .,, .., ~ -~"' Circulation <:~ <., "' ~ Elementary 113 5,416,697 8,813,776 $1,806,116 $1,820,732 High Schools . 24 1,666,919 2,445,01 5 921,274 920,331 TOTALS 137 7,083,616 11 ,258,791 2,727 ,390 2,741,063 Special Education "' -~ cCo 0 \.) Elementary High Schools TOTALS ~--::::~ "5: -:: .§"' 'e::"!=: -..:::: :::: ~-:- "'"' "'0 ~~ ~:t: 60 11 71 20 2 22 ,.,"< i;; Co "' - ~-~ "' c,-<:, "' ..::; ~c:i a r,.. 4 0 4 11 2 13 112 18 130 Co 'i~ . :; "'"' 17 3 20 ~ 0 0 Radio and Television Education Radio a nd television statio ns owned by Board of Education. Over 500 radio and TV sets in the schools;" over 60,000 studen ts viewing and hea ring 89 radio a nd 58 TV programs per week in 139 schools. TV instruction in Health, General Science, General Biology, World History, Physics, Social Stud ies, Mathematics, Frenc h and S panish. Health and Physical Fitness Required of all e lementa ry p upils a nd 8th a nd 9th grade stude nts. Interscholastic a thle tic program in 2 3 high schools comprises J7 teams in each hjgh school in 10 different activities under 11 5 teacher-coaches. P a rticipatio n, exclusive of bands a nd pep squads, by 5,000 students in 113 home games viewed by 200,000 spectators. Audio-Visual Education Esta blished in 1921, one of the oldest educa tional aud iovisual depa rtments in the na tion; school system has 5,000 pieces of A-V equipment and 10,000 A-V items; 2,000 presentations in classrooms; planetarium for space science instruc tion; primate ho use with fu ll-time instructor. Future Plans and Needs Three new high schools; 400 additiona l elemen tary c lassrooms; warehouse a nd school services building; administration building; c urriculum development, super-visory, and materia ls center; a utoma ted da ta processing equipment a nd staffing; expansion o f curricular a nd instructional leade rship program . [ 23 ] �MAPS of high school grounds by Atlanta Police Dept. BROWN HIGH SCHOOL GOROoN' l HENRY GRADY HIGH SCHOOL I N [ 24 ] �Red line marks curb across adjacent streets. This line encloses area off-limits to public and press. MURPHY HIGH SCHOOL -r-=- C I TY LIMIT fJEKALB co. ~ M NORTHSIDE HIGH SCHOOL fr ~ (\ <,;- . ] ~~I ,~ ~ JlW. -l1- -· - WESLE Y RO - 11- --------·-- ----- -- . J [ 25 ] . N �1 ~ Information About the Transfer Students All of the ten transfer students, in the words of Deputy School Superintendent Rua! Stephens, " have outstanding school academic records, made excellent scores on the tests given them and very favorable impressions" when the y were interviewed by school officials. Some of the 10 were accepted in spite of the fact that their residences are nearer their present schools than the schools they asked to attend . School officials said that in such instances there were factors of " overriding importance" which figured in the decisions to accept the students. In one case, a youth aspired to go to the Naval Academy at Annapolis and was unable to get the ROTC training or special college preparatory courses in m athematics and physics at his present school. School officials m ade it clear from the beginning th at an important consideration in whether a Negro student was accepted or rejected would be his chances of doing well in a new school environm ent. Those finally accepted had composite test scores wh ich in most instances exceeded the median composite scores of the grades and schools to which the y are being transferred. Allen , D emaris-16 years old. Accepted for the 12th Grade, Brown High School. Composite test score: 94.6. Median in 12th Grade at Brown: 66.4. Asked for transfer in order to receive speci al training in social studies , science and mathematics. Special interest: Arch aeology. Previous extra-curricul ar activities : Dramatic and Dance Clubs, Junior Red Cross, Honor Society. [ 26 ] �Black, Willie Jean-15 years old. Accepted for 11th Grade, Northside High School. Composite test score: 93 .8. Median in 11th Grade at Northside: 82.8. Asked for transfer because of superior curriculum offered in science and mathematics. Special interest: Medical career. Previous extracurricular activities: Laboratory assistant, Honor Society, Science program at Morris Brown College. Gaines, Donita-16 years old. Accepted for 11th Grade, Northside High School. Composite test score: 92. Median in 11th Grade at Northside: 82.8. Asked for transfer because of superior curriculum . Special interest : Engineering. Previous extra~curricular activities : Honor Society, Library Assistant, Student Government, Y-Teens. Ho lmes, Marth a A on-17 years old . Accepted for 12th Grade, Murph y High School. Composite test score : 72.2. Median in 12th Grade at Murphy : 65.6. Asked for transfer because of crowded conditions at Howard High School. Special interests: Chemistry and m athem atics. Previous extra-curricul ar activities: Band, Business-office assistant, English Club, Honor Society, Student Government. Jefferson , Lawrence-] 7 years old. Accepted for 12th Grade, Grady High School. Composite test score : 85.8. Median in 12th Grade at Grady: 79. Asked for transfer because of overcrowding at Howard H igh School. Speci al interests: Mathemat ics and English. Previous extra-curricular activities: Honor Society, Student Government, Cit y-wide Stude nt Council. [ 27 ] �McMullen, Mary James-16 years old. Accepted for 12th Grade, Grady High School. Composite test score: 69.6. Median in 12th Grade at Grady : 79. Asked for transfer because of overcrowding at Howard High School. Special interests: Social Science teaching. Previous extra-curricular activities: Basketball, Choir, Cheerleading. Nix , Madelyn-15 years old. Accepted for 11th Grade, Brown High School. Composite test score : ·83 .6. Median in 11th Grade at Brown: 65.8. Asked for transfer because of superior curriculum in mathematics and physics. Special interest : Medical ·career. Previous extra-curricular activities : Honor Society, Orchestra, Student Government. Simmons, Arthur C.-16 years old. Accepted for 12th Grade, Northside High School. Composite test score : 84.4. Median in 12th Grade at Northside : 84. Asked for transfer because of superior curriculum, particularly Mechanical D rawing. Special interest: Engineering. Previous extra-curricular activities : Honor Society. Walton , Rosalyn- 16 years old. Accepted for 11th Grade, Murphy High School. Composite test Score: 56.8. Medi an in 11th G rade Murphy: 67 .8. Asked for tra nsfer because of proxim ity to home. Special interest : E lementary school teaching. Previous extra-curricular activities : Choi r, Honor Society. Welch, Thomas E .-1 6 years old . Accepted for 11th Grade, Brown High School. Compos ite test score: 89 .2. Median in 11th G rade at Brown: 65.8. Asked for transfer in order to take ROTC, unava ilable at Washington H igh School. Special interest : Admission to A nnapolis and future N aval Career. P revious extra-curricular activities : Chorus. [ 28 l �Sigma Delta Chi Code of Ethics I. The primary function of newspapers is to communicate to the human race what its members do, feel and think. Journ a lism, therefore, demands of its practitioners the widest range of intelligence, of knowledge, and of experience, as well as natural and trained powers of observation and reasoning. To its opportunities as a chronicle are indissolvabl y linked its obligations as teacher and interpreter. II. To the end of findin g some means of codifying sound practice in just aspirations of Am erican Journ a lism these gains are se t forth: 1. RESPONS!BlLITY The right of a newspaper to attract and hold readers is restricted by nothin g but consideration of p ub lic we lfa re. The use a newspaper m akes of th e sha re of public attention it gai ns, se rves to determ ine its sense of responsibility whi ch it shares wi th ever y m ember o f its staff. A jo urn a list who uses his power for any selfish or o th erwise un wo rthy purpose is faithless to a h igh tru st. 2. FREEDOM OF THE P RESS Freedo m of th e press is to be guarded as a v ita l rig ht of m a nki nd. It is th e unqu estion able rig ht to di sc uss whatever is not explicitl y forbidden by law, incl uding the wisdom of any restrictive statu te. 3. I NDE PENDENCE Freedom fro m a ll ob liga tions, except th at o f fide lity, to th e pub lic in terest is v it al. A. Pro motion of any p ri vate interest, co ntrary to the ge nera l we lfa re, for whateve r reaso n, is not co mpatib le with honest journalism. So-called news co mmuni ca ti ons from private sources should not be published wi th o ut public notice of their sou rce or e lse substa ntiation of their claims to va lue as news, bo th in fo rm and substance. B. Pa rtisanship, in editorial comm ent, whi ch knowingly departs fro m the truth, does vio lence to the best spirit of journ a li sm ; in the news columns, it is sub versive of a fu nd amental pri nciple of the p rofessio n. 4. ALL SINCERITY, TRUST, ACCURACY. Good fa ith with the reader is the fo un datio n of all journa lism worthy of the name. [ 29 ] �Youth-Serving Organizations Section: Chairman, Mrs. John Steinhaus Co-Chairman, Mrs. R. H. Brisbane Atlanta Boys Clubs Atlanta Girls Clubs Atlanta Jewish Community Center Bethlehem Community Center B'nai B'rith Youth Organization Girl Scouts Grady Homes Community Girls Club Interdenominational Youth Center Religious Education Association Salvation Army Temple Youth Group Wesley Community House YMCA YWCA Religious Organizations Section: Co-Chairmen: Reverend Nat Long Reverend Norman Shands Atlanta Chapter, American Jewish Committee Diocesan Council of Catholic Women Georgia Council of Churches Greater Atlanta Counci l of Churches Interdenominational Ministerial Alliance United Church Women of Atlanta and Georgia Churches of every faith: Catholic, Eastern and Greek Orthodox, Jewish and Protestant; and every denomination within each faith: Jewish : Orthodox, Conservative, Reform. Protestant : Alli ance, Assembly of God, Baptist, Christian Science, C hurch of Christ, Church of God , Congregation al, Episcopal, Friends, Holiness, Latter Day Saints, Lutheran, Methodist, N aza rene, Primitive Baptist, Presbyteri an, Salvation Army, Seventh Day Adventists, United Liberal , Unity. [ 32 ] - �~ 37 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 27 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/7c41821d972bf7deccca136c4052a094.pdf 8c8b39b578a983ab478a37edc269ec2c Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. Mississipp.i Governor here next Tuesday All Northsiders invited to hear Ross Barnett~s battle plan for South Mississippi's Governor Ross R, Barnett, crisis-tested guardian of Southern conservatism whose strength of mind forced the impulsive U,S, Attorney General Kennedy to retreat in shame and seek other opponents, will address Atlantans next Tuesday night to (July 16) on how the South can restore Constitutional Government, ly He will speak in the ballroom as it will as a tax burden over of the Dinkler Plaza Hotel, start- tne next 30 years for property 1_ ing at 7:30 o'clock, before a owners of this state, first anniversary meeting of the • • • 1_ fast-growing Atlanta Citizens TODAY, Governor Barnett's Council to which admittance is 'p I an for Southwide political free for all white patroitic At- solidarity in the 1964 Presilantans. dential election has Southwide J,K, Callaway of Old Ivy Road, interest, Recently, some 1,000 president of the Atlanta Citizens persons from virtually every Council, says arrangements have Southern state attended a $25-a been m~e to accomodate all who plate dinner meeting in Jackson come, Miss., to cheer Governor Barnett • • • and Alabama's Governor George JAMES H, GRAY, editor and Wallace as they urged the Deep. publisher of The Albany Herald South to unite behind the plan to and until his resignation was ac- block any liberal candidate for cepted by newl y-electedGov- President,. ,and just which nonernor Sanders was chairman of liberal candidate the South will the Georgia St ate Democratic endorse will be the result of unp arty, will introduce Governor emotional, politically-expert deBarnett at the meeting next Tues - cision to get this whole nation day night, Mr, Gray is an able off the hook of communism. speaker, fully informed on the Georgia 's Jim Gray offered pr oblems the South faces and he delegates to that Jackson dinner ,has never wave,;:ed in his res is- me e ting a resolution calling on tance to the indignities offered citi zens in every Southern state_ Southerners since the Kennedys to take all necessary actions for moved into their Washington ·adoption of the Barnett plan and powerhous e. He is the man who that resolution was unanimously e bought the integr ation-threatened adopted, public park in the heart of Albany • • • and made it a pr ivate, segreIn urging all Norths iders to atgated park, His forewor ds in his tend the Tuesday night meeting, introduction of Governor Barnett Northsider Callaway said: • 'Govundoubtedly will be as enlighten- ernor Barnett, by his courageous i ng to Northsiders as will be the actionl:I°, has become the symbol m a in address b Y the notable of Southern determination, He has , Mississippian. been on the firing line, and he has Governor Barnett's plea for not yielded, He has earned the Southern unity in the 1960 Presi- admiration and respect of the dential race resulted in 15 ?eople of Georgia, and of loyal: •electoral' vo tes being cast for Americans everywhere, L e t's . Senator Harry F. Byrd, the Vir- ihow Governor Barnett thatwe 1n, ginia Democrat, for President, Jeorgia share his determination· Georgia Democrats missed the to ~n this fight!" boat in 1960, preferring to barter with Kennedy through a $100 - ·- - - - - - - - - - ~ -· M,11~ ..'1!,11111--!! million bond issue which will .never be forgotten, _coi:itinui . Al ,...- , • ..,,., r. . l ~ ~~ � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document - YOM POs A we Pe oad ee ge MAT a tet ge Mississippi Governor here next Tuesday All Northsiders invited to hear Ross Barneti’s battle plan for South Mississippi's Governor Ross R, Barnett, crisis-tested guardian of Southern conservatism whose strength of mind forced the im- pulsive U.S, Attorney General Kennedy to retreat in shame and seek other opponents, will address Atlantans next Tuesday night (July 16) on how the South can restore Constitutional Government. He will speak in the ballroom of the Dinkler Plaza Hotel, start- ing at 7:30 o’clock, before a first anniversary meeting of the fast-growing Atlanta Citizens | Council to which admittance is free for all white patroitic At- lantans. J.K, Callaway of Old Ivy Road, president of the Atlanta Citizens Council, says arrangements have been made to accomodate all who come, * * JAMES H, GRAY, editor and publisher of The Albany Herald and until his resignation was ac- cepted by newly -electedGov- ernor Sanders was chairman of the Georgia State Democratic Party, will introduce Governor Barnett at the meeting nextTues- day night. Mr. Gray is an able speaker, fully informed on the problems the South faces and he has never waveredin his resis- tance to the indignities offered Southerners since the Kennedys moved into their Washington powerhouse. He is the man who bought the integration-threatened public park in the heart of Albany and made it a private, segre- gated park. His forewords in his introduction of Governor Barnett undoubtedly will be as enlighten- ing to Northsiders as will be the main address by the notable Mississippian. Governor Barnett’s ties for Southern unity in the 1960 Presi- dential race resulted in 15 ‘electoral votes being cast for Senator Harry F, Byrd, the Vir- ginia Democrat, for President. Georgia Democrats missed the boat in 1960, preferring to barter as it will as a tax burden over ine next 30 years for property owners of this state, * kk TODAY, Governor Barnett's plan for Southwide political solidarity in the 1964 Presi- dential election has Southwide interest. Recently, some 1,000 persons from virtually every Southern state attended a $25-a plate dinner meeting in Jackson Miss., to cheer Governor Barnett and Alabama's Governor George Wallace as they urged the Deep. South to unite behind the plan to block any liberal candidate for President, . and just which non- liberal candidate the South will endorse will be the result of un- emotional, politically-expert de- cision to get this whole nation off the hook of communism. Georgia's Jim Gray offered delegates to that Jackson dinner meeting aresolutioncalling on citizens in every Southern state to take all necessary actions for ‘adoption of the Barnett plan and that resolution was unanimously adopted. _* * In urging all Northsidersto at- tend the Tuesday night meeting, Northsider Callaway said; ‘'Gov- ernor Barnett, by his courageous actions, has become the symbol of Southerndetermination. He has, been on the firing line, andhehas not yielded. He has earned the admiration and respect of the veople of Georgia, and of loyal Americans everywhere. Let’s show Governor Barnett that wein. seorgia share his determination: to win this fightl*’ with Kennedy through a $100 - million bond issue which will never be forgotten, continuing]  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 28 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/4cc9c1c856227950c7f0364b99696033.pdf f87f44d060146504e09d8fc7dfd52247 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. 7 Mayers off ice Atilnta City Hal 68 Mitchell st city � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 12 JUA ay ar 49 rs office Ataénta City Hal 68 Mitchell st city  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 29 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/cfa2704d8c1a50015a15874cc72f3333.pdf 885df846f29a1e028128fcf654f03cf0 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. THE SUPREME COURT THE SUPREME LAWBREAKER Informing the people how their liberty and property are being embezzled in Washington. by P. GAMBLE, SR. Attorney-at-Law-Retired of New Orleans Bar HARRY �PREFACE To those who respect Harvard wisdom, listen to the warning in 1958, of Dr. Mc llwain, a Professor of the Science of Government: "Never in recorded history, I believe, has the individual been in greater danger from government than now; never has law been in greater jeopardy from arbitrary will; and never has there been such need that we clearly see the danger and guard aga inst it." He does not name al l t he sources of this danger; but those most obvious are: The President, when he commands Federal troops to invade States; or, for example, issues " executive orders" threatening to take bread from the mouths of thousands of working people, by withdrawing Federal funds appropriated for local projects, till his commands are obeyed; AND the Attorney General, who may and does pin the badge of a U.S. Marshal's authority on hundreds of bullyboys, and sends them out to intimidate local authorities to bring them to his views; AND bureaucrats who freely issue "directives" to control the daily lives of thousands of people, from one to two thousand miles distant from Washington; people whose local laws and culture may be very different, even repugnant, to those of the area of their upbringing; AND the Supreme Court commanding obedience to their indefensible decisions, under threat of unlimited deprivation of liberty and p roperty for noncompliance. It is true the Professor relies largely on an "able, honest, learned, and independent judiciary" to protect us from the aggressors, but adds: "I am not defending indefensible decisions of our courts. I would not shield them from the severest criticism." It is these lawbreakers and unauthorized lawmakers who are dealt wi th in the follo w ing paper. New O rleans, Louisiana, July 14th, 1963. H A RRY P. GAMBLE, SR. O f the New Orle ans Bar N o te l : Pe rtine nt p rovisi o ns of th e Const itutio n a re fo und in the a p pend ix. Note 2: All e mphasis supplied by th e writer. �l.an :Southerners attord to oe ti nr w 1rn rne1r mane in WHO ARE THE LAWBREAKERS The parrot cry, "Obey the law, " is heard daily from Washington. Yet the chief lawbreakers are there; among them, the President, who issues unauthorized "executive orders, " and commands the Federal army to invade the States. But the cocks of the roost, are the nine men on the Supreme Judicial Bench of the United States. These nine men are uncontrolled. Their power is supreme, irresistible, and absolute, in our so-called democracy. Yet in every age in the long ages of government, it has been demonstrated, in the language of Lord Acton, often quoted, that: · "Power corrupts; absolute power corrupts absolutely." There is no authority in our system to check these nine men; or correct their mistakes, however grievous; or nullify their seizure of unauthorized power; or punish their acts of tryanny. From time to time the earlier Judges sitting on that Bench have recognized their freedom from control, and asserted that it was not their function to go beyond "judicial review." Chief Justice Marshall (1801-1835) briefly defining this Judicial Review said: "The Court is merely a legal tribunal for the decision of controversies brought before them in legal form." Judicial review means in general, that in cases appealable to the Supreme Court, it will review the evidence introduced in the lower court, and weighing the law applicable, will affirm, reverse, or cor rect the judgment there rendered. The law applicable has never been held to mean that the Court may contrive, forge, or enact a law, which in its opinion fits the case, but shall render a de. cision on existing law enacted by the lawmaking power, constitutionally authorized so to do. If the law applied to the case below, in the opinion of the Courts is not constitutionally authorized, then it applies other existing law; still not contriving one of its own, either by strained interpretation, or downright enactment. No one has ever contended otherwise. -1 - �A recent announcement of that limitation by Chief Justice Vinson ( 1946-1953) declares: " Since we must rest our decisions on the ConstitutiG-n alone, we must set aside predilections on social pol icy and adhere to the settled rules which restrict the exercise of our power to judicial review." (346 J.S. 240 1953) Judge Harlan, father of the sitting Judge Harlan, stated the same thing in this language: "When the American people come to the conclusion that the Judiciary is usurping to itself the function of the legislative department, and by judicial construction is declaring what should be the public policy of the United States, we will be in trouble. " In referring to the 14th Amendment, fraudulentl y adopted in 1868, which has become a bottomless fish hatchery, from which the Cou rt has hooked some queer fish, never before suspected of inhabiting those waters, the eminent Judge Holmes (l 9021938) said: "I cannot believe that the Amendment was intended to give carte blanc to embody our economic or moral belief in its prohibitions. " Referring to the rights reserved to the states in th e 9th and l 0th Am e ndme nts, he re marked that: "There is hardly a ny limit but the sky to invalidating these rights if they happen to strike the majority of this Court as for an y reason undesirable." 251 U.S. 580 ( 1930) And Chi ef Justice Hu g hes ( 1930-194 l) co mmented: "It is not for the Court to amend the Constitution by judicial decree." This fra nk spoken jurist once observed, " The Constitu ti on is what the Supreme Court says it is." Thi s asse rtion of a subme rg e d t ruth d id not much shock the careless American peo p le; thoug h d ispleasing to the Co urt. Judg e Doug las, still sitting, exp loded fu rio usly in the Ca lifornia-Colorado wate r di vers io n case, a g a inst th e ma jo rity d e cision, saying : " This case wi ll be marke d as the baldest at- -2- �I tempt by Judges in modern times to spin th ei r philosophies in the fabric of the law in derogation of the will of the legislature." It will come as a surprise when disclosed that th is same Judge (one of the law school teachers ap pointed, maybe a DEAN) in the earlier case of th e Black School decision of 1954, took a contra ry stand, and agreed to founding the decision in that case on the mind reading speculations of a Swe de, Gunar Myrdal, and associates, who figured that it would make the Negro children feel bad if they could not sit with white children in public schools. THEIR OWN WILL THE ONLY RESTRAINT OF THESE NINE MEN In reorganizing their absolute freedom from control, the Court has frequently stated, to use the words of Chief Justice Stone (1925-1946). "The only check on our exercise of power is our own sense of self-restraint," Butler case. In th us admitting their freedom from control, they declare they are a super-governm ent. Such a super-government, not elected by the people, but appointed for life, is not tolerated by the great democracies of Europ e,-not by England, nor France, nor Germany, nor Italy. This fact is unknown to the great mass of the American people. The continuance of this uncontrollable power in the hands of nine men, is undeniable proof that a potent segment of our political leadership does not trust democratic processes; and have somehow contrived to surround these mere human beings with a halo of sanctity not merited in the experience of life, except by saints; a sanctity which endeavors to protect them from criticism, no matter what. It is as if assumed and asserted that the appointment by the President of a politically deserving friend (or to get rid of an opponent), w ill make that politi cian qualified to sit o n the highest Tribunal in the Nation . In more than one instan ce such an appointment by th e Presiden t has been charged to this mode of riddin g himself of an active opposition candidate. - 3- �President Lincoln appointed Senator Samuel B. Chase to be Chief Justice in 1864, when Linco ln was a candidate for re-nomination of the Repub lican Party, and Chase was an avowed candidate for the same nomination. It has been printed that a political deal was made at the 1952 Republican National nominating convention between Governor Warren, who controlled the 72 votes of California, and Eisenhower managers-Eisenhower to get the votes for a decisive lead to the nomination, and Warren to be paid off by appointment to the Supreme Cou rt. This may or may not be true, but since Warr en was appointed shortly after Eisenhower assumed office - with no visible judicial qualifkations for that high office; low-minded persons could scarcely be censured for raising their eyebrows. It may be that a miracle can be performed by hanging a black cloth on a politic i an, to forthw ith convert him into a Judge; but few would believe such a ceremony preceded by a sordid poli tical deal, is a correct method to procure SUPE RMEN for the Supreme Bench. It may be accepted as an axiom in government that once a politician, always a politician. A pol itician cannot escape from a life long practice of proposing to amend and im prove existing law. His success in politics has been founded on such promise and performance. That mode of thinki ng has become second nature. And though politicians are an honorable necessity in a democracy, without whom it could not function, the highest tribunal in the land is no place for them. School boys know that it is not the business of Judges to make laws, or amend laws, but to interpret an d apply the laws enacted by the lawmaking power authorized so to do by the Constitution; and then onl y in cases duly brought before them. Re l yin g on self-restraint by men exercising uncontrolla ble power is the ze nith of folly-proven in all ages. Thomas Jefferson who spent fifty years wi th public men in public affai rs, expressed his distrust of judicial restraint in these words: "The Judicia ry is the instrument which is to press us at last into one consolidated mass .. . . If Congress fails to shield th e States fro m dangers so pa lpable and so immin ent, th e States - 4- �Can Southerners afford to be ti ht with their mone in must shield themselves, and meet the invader foot to foot." (Thomas Jefferson to Archibald Thweat, 1821) And: "The Judiciary of the United States is the subtle corps of sappers and miners constantly working underground, undermining the foundation of our constitutional fabric." This worldly wise man did not mean to imply that the men who would serve on the Supreme Bench were dishonest or ·traitors; but simply that their natural bent would be to make the National Government of which they were a part, supreme. In the long history of the Court, not more than one instance is suspected to have brought the shame of lack of integrity to the Supreme Bench. That is not t he charge. The charge is that when appoint ed they do not know anything about judicial restraint and ar e not l ikely ever to be much i mpressed by that limitation . For they are not appointed on the basis of their judicial training and learning. That these men not elected by t he people to reign over t hem, a t ta i n their appointments for politica l reaso ns, an d not for t hei r judicial qual ifications, is a b und antl y p roven by the fact that it is rare indeed t o a p point a member of a state Supreme Cou rt, o r a Judge from the Federal Judiciary, wh er e men of p r o v en a bi lity and many years of experience are to be found. In recent years, i n r espect to t h is "judicial restraint" a new note has been interjected by some now sitting on th e Bench, Judge Do ugla s among them; that it is within th e p r o v i nce of judicial action to do some lawmaking; wh ic h as we shall see, th ey have boldly done-united wi th its partner, lawbreaking. This far afield lawmaking and law breaking in recent years have drawn sharp a nd unusua l criticism from the official o rgan of A mer ican lawyers, the American Bar Asso1ciati o n; a nd t_ he official condemnation of an assembly of Chi ef Justices of state Supreme Benches. Judicial seizure of power has grown so intolerable, that an Amendment to the Federal Constitution is now in process of adoption for holding them in check, and reducing th eir powers of super- - 5- �government. This Amendment has alread y b een adopted by several states. HOW THESE SUPERM EN BREAK THE LAW When these nine SUPERMEN do not like a law enacted by Congress or a State Legislature, th ey shatter it. All they have to do is to call it unconstitutional . That it is not authorized, or is prohibited, by the Federal Constitution; and since , in the words of Chief Justice Hughes, the Constitution is what they say it is, the law is broken, and an y decision which had before held it to be la w is also broken, however long that decision may have been held to be law. In our kind of democracy, there is no remedy. Often the law is busted by the vote of one of the SUPERMEN. Four say ' tis or 'taint const itutional; and four say 'taint or 'tis; then one decides the question-to make a majority of fi v e to four . Right here it is easy for the unawed mi nd to become confused with trying to keep up with th e "now you see it, now you don ' t, " juggling going on among the SUPERMEN . Fo r in one decision yo u see that five are truly SUPERMEN, and the ot her four are bush leaguers; bu t in the next d ecisio n, the bush leaguers are bac k in t he majo rs, and some of the former SUPERMEN are ba nishe d to the minors. These chameleon changes so baffl es one contemplating this comi ng and going, t hat he is likely to head for the nut house . O nl y a lizard in the animal world ca n pa ss throu g h these changes without loss of p resti ge. When a citi zen is t old abou t t hese th i ngs, he is ama zed that a meek Co ngress d o es not perform even th e minor chec king t hat the Constitutio n does author ize it to do, if it had a ny spu nk. The highly intelligen t men wh o have made it to Cong re ss, you may be sure, a re not f o r a moment smitten with the preposterous id ea that hang in g a do zen yards of black clo t h on a p ol itic ian (or a la w school teache r), a nd g iv ing him a job for life, w ill convert him in t o a SU PE RMAN. (The State Jud ges are elected for periods of fro m eight to twe lve years; and gene ra ll y re-elected, since they nev er set up as SU PE RM EN .) Bu t som eho w a potent minority who distrust t he peop le p re va il s; so we in the great Ame rican democracy have our super-government. -6- �A TESTED STATUTE ENACTED BY CONGRESS OR STATE LEGISLATURE WHEN FOUND CONSTITUTIONAL IS LAW: THAT IS, UNTIL BROKEN It not infrequently happens that an Act of Congress or a state Legislature is charged before the Courts as being unconstitutional , and therefore, null . If in its decision the Court of last resort pronounces th is law to be constitutional, then it is the law. Somewhat carelessly, this decision is itself sometimes referred to as the law in question. Then business and government, state and national, may and often do, expend millions, even billions, on faith thereof. That to the ordinary mind seems logical. The questioned law is settled. Let's go. But to th e SUPERMEN , no! Any upcoming set of SUPERMEN may, and often do, assert that their predecessors were not the SUPERMEN that thei r contemp oraries thought. Not at all . That was a big mistake. They were bush leaguers, or old fogies who did not know what was what. This is most extraordinary, since their own claim to absolu te supremacy is founded on the proposition that as a body they are SUPERMEN. Their puzzling refusal to regard each other as SUPERMEN, while demanding that in a body they be so regarded by the people, is disclosed by the fact that: "In the brief span of sixteen years, between 1937 and 1953, this Court has reversed itself not fewer than thirty-two times on questions of constitutional law." Kirkpatrick in "The Sovereign States," p. 270. This work is less than 300 pages, by a distinguished journalist, quite understandable by laymen. Published by Henry Regnery Co., Chicago. In every one of these instances, and many more, befo re and afte r, where their predecessors had presu ma bly settled the question by declaring that a d isputed act of Congress or Legislature is constrtutional I and therefore the law, the reversal broke that law. In some of th ese instances, that law had been settled for ma ny years, in the meantime frequ ently referre d to and a p p roved by subsequent Supreme Court decisio ns. A case of reversa l and breaking, occurring since - 7- �the above record of thirty-two times in sixteen years, is one which will presently be brought under inspection. That was a decision of the Supreme Court of 1896, declaring an act of the Legislature to be constitutional law. In the interim of nearly sixty years, Supreme Courts presided over by such eminent jurists as Chief Justices White, Taft, Hughes, and Stone, had quoted that decision with approval. It was the law. THE SEGREGATION LAW That law was an act of the Legislature requiring the separation of the races in passenger transportation. In a case before the Court in 1896, it was directly charged that this state law violated the 14th Amendment in not granting equal rights to Negro travellers. It was there decided that if the accommodations were equal, the separation of the races was not prohibited by the Amendment. This established the so-called doctrine of "Separate if equal; " and through the years up to 1954, hundreds of millions have been expended in separate schools and other construction, and in educating Negroes in separate schools. This was the case of Plessy vs. Ferguson; 163 U.S. 537. In referring to other contemporary laws requiring separati on of the races, not only in the South, but in the North, it was stated in that decision: "The most common instance of this is the establishment of schools for white and colored children, which has been held a valid exercise of legislative police power even by Courts where the political rights of the colo red race have been longest and most earnestly enforced . It is true that in public education, which had to be supported by local taxation, the South was fa r behind the more prosperous North, which had been enriched by the Civil War, as the South had been impoverished. Added to the ravages of wa r, was the ten years of misgovernment and looting by adventurers from the North-called carpetbaggers because when they arrived in the South thei r whole worldly possessions we re contained in a piece of luggage made of material used in ca rpet making. These were maintained in office by the votes of the recently enfranchised N egroes, and thousands of Federa l bayon ets i n each South- - 8- �~ - -Lan Sou.t b.2 _,:o_.9.r. nfEa.cdJ.o.J:i.,_ti.a..b Lw.i.tb...th.@ i c roooe,v j ern state. Just as the same self-seeking class of Northern politicians are doing today, these carpetbaggers, instead of trying to do something of economic value for the Negroes, who, when they were freed by their Northern emancipators, were turn ed out to barren fields, without economic aid from their touted benefactors-these carpetbaggers used the Negro vote__to maintain themselves in office, paying off the Negroes with a minimum of participation in the looting, and a maximum of sweet talk about sterile " equality. " Among the Southern people, regrettable as it must be admitted, there was then, as there is today, a relative few who profited by deserting to the enemy. These, called scalawags, aided the carpetbaggers and the Negroes; and, with their descendants, were ostracized for three generations. When these carpetbaggers were forced to flee by the bargain of the Southern Democrat leaders of Louisiana, Florida, and South Carolina, with the Republican President Rutherford B. Hayes, withdrawin g the Federal troops they left the Negro in the lurch.-just as their modern white models will do when the N orthern white voters turn on th em for exciting the Negro es to ins urrectio n in those pa rts. After the flight of the carpetbaggers, both white a nd blcick had to endure another forty years of poverty-though gradually decreasing; until in 1915, the European war, demanding cotton, lumber, and other natural resources of the South, permitted a more ra pid economic move ment upward . The · Second World War accelerated this movement. In 1961 the Un ited States Cha mber of Commerce published certain conclusions relating to that development, referring to it as " nothing short of spectacula r." Und er thi s improved e conomic p rosperity, the white s and b la cks o f th e South wer e making impressive advance in rational partnership wh en under N ew York prodding, the SUPERMEN led by Ea rl Warren, the a st ute politician from Ca lifornia , broke the la w of 1896 -separate if equa l. This ma n, w ith not an hour's traini ng a s a Judge, had just been appointed b y Presi d ent Eise nhowe r to be Chief J ustice o ve r the ot her e ig ht who had been sitting a s Ju d ges for several ye a rs. This appoint- - 9- �ment was not so reprehensible as might first appear, since of these eight, seven had been put on the Bench without any Judicial training. It must be admitted, in all fairness , that one of them, Judge Black, still there, had been a Justice of the Peace down in Alabama. The case before them in 1954, in which they broke the old law of separate if equal of 1896, was where some Negroes in Kansas, Delaware, South Carolina, and Virginia (t he cases consoli dated) claimed that the segregated Negro schools of these locations were not equal to the white schools, and they wanted the advantages of the white schools for their children. The Court did not agree that they were not equal, saying: " The Negro and white schools have bee n equalized, or are being equalized, with respect to building, curricula, qualifkations and salaries of teachers, and other 'tangibl e factors '." That under the existing law, and its approval by intervening Supreme Court decisions, should have ended the case; the Negroes continued in t hei r equal schools, and the separate if equal doctrine again affirmed. But the SUPERMEN said "No. " That did not end the case, they had found something their predecessors, the White, Taft, Hughes, Stone, Vincent, Court Judges did not know. The SUPERMEN said that they had re ad in a bo qk by a fellow by the name of Guna r Myrdal, wh o lived over in Sweden on the icy Baltic Sea wh e re there are no Negroes, in which he claimed it would make the Negro children feel bad if they could not sit with white children in public schools, though their own Negro schools migh t be equal to the white schools. He was cited as " ample autho rity; an expert, in o t her words. The Cou rt noted the names of some half dozen othe r book writers, who penned more o r Iess t he so me sen ti men ts in their books. Now something peculiar hap pened in this casesomething unheard of in judicial procedure where the opinions of persons al le ged to be expe rts a re introd uce d to aid the Courts. In such cases it is common for the a lleged " expe rt" to be brought into Court so that it may be determined by due e xaminati on , and cross-examination by opposing -10- �counsel , whether the witness is in fact an expert whose testimony will be of value to the Court. Unhappily for all concerned, the Judges as well as others, this was not done in this case . What a field day a competent cross-examiner would have had with this Swede; and incidentally, protecti ng th e Court from embarrassment in their subsequen t exaltation of the opinions of the Swede, an d his Communist tainted associates. W ha t a joy it would have been to question this residen t of t he Arctic regions on how he became acquain ted w ith what it took to make Negroes feel bad; w hat Negroes d id he consult; was the feeling on ly mental , or also physical ; what schools of me d icine d id he graduate from ; or was he a follower of the Austrian Freud, who emphasized sex in eva lua tin g men tal operations; or the German Ad ler, w ho stresse d fear more than sex in probing the mind ; o r had he strayed off w ith the Swiss Jung, wh o had a cqu ired some twists of his own in tho ught read in g. He could have been required to state w heth e r hi s in vestigations related only to what ma de N e gro e s feel bad, or if he had included th e ye ll o w Chin e se , the brown Malays, and the red Indians. Es pec ially he could have disclosed what made white c hildren feel bad, that is if they were impprtant eno ugh to be included in his roamings; and if by making col o re d childre n fe e l good by bring ing them into as socia ti on w ith w hite childre n, it migh t make t he white c hil dr en feel bad; and w hich, if either, was the mo re important, to co ntin ue th e coloreds in fee ling bad, and the whites no t, or make the col o reds fee l good at the expe nse of the wh ites? Th e e xamina tion would have disclose d wha t we hope th e J udges w ere ignorant o f, w he n the y accepted th e Swed e, a nd his co mpanion s, as " am ple auth ority," a s t hey said . These a uth o rs we re rotten with Co mm uni st associations, some with mo re th a n a d o ze n Comm u ni sti c fro nt citations. O ne must wonde r wh e th e r, w hen they approved the Swede a s " amp le author ity, " they had read that part of his book d ec lar ing that wha t the Founding Fat hers di d wh e n th e y confected the Consti tution "was a lmost a plot again st the com mon people ." An instrum e nt of g o v e rnm e nt wh ich non -Comm unist statesmen have a cclai me d fo r o ne hundred and - 11- �seventy-five years. And was he " ample authority" when he asserted that our Constitution "is impractical and outmoded?" Having agreed with the Swede that it would make the Negro children feel bad not to sit with white children; it was next in order to determine whether the authors of the 14th Amendment in 1868 had intended by it to turn over to the Federal Government Public Education in the States. If that Amendment did not do this then the SUPERMEN could not seize control of these schools. They concluded, happily for their intent, that from "exhaustive investigation " of the times and what was then said, the evidence was "inconclusive. " That opened the way for them to insert in it their own views of what ought to have been, or might have been; that is to amend it to suit what they had in mind-namely, that it did take away from the States the right to manage their own schools which they had taxed themselves to support; and turned over to the SUPERMEN the power to say how they should be operated. It is poetic justice that the fraudulent adoption of that Amendment permits equally fraudulent interpretations-like the one by the SUPERMEN, the latest and most disastrous-which has resulted in the bitter interruption of good relations between the races . That adoption was achieved in an atmosphere of rancour, followed by the very same kind of deception and betrayal of the Negroes by the carpetbaggers, as is certain to result from similar conduct of the modern form of carpetbagge ry. Having now so interpreted the Amendment that they could use it as a basis for their decisipn to adopt the Swede 's cozy views to bring the white and colored children together to make the colo red children feel better; that they proceeded to do . The Court 's precise language in ag reeing with -the Swede is as fol lows: "To separate Negro children fr om ot hers of similar age and qualifications solely because of their race, generates a feeling of in feriority as to their sta t us in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikel y to ever be undone . The Court failed to discuss whether it would "generate a feeling of inferiori ty" in t he hearts -12- �I Can Southerners afford to be tiaht with their money in I and minds of white children, if forced to sit with Neg ro children. Apparently the Swede had 'no musing on this point. The modern mania for equal rights evidently does not include within its vague crusade, the wh ite race. To digress for a moment: Every century or so a craze unaccountably seizes on the world, as this egalitarian craze has appeared in our times. In the 13th century thousands of children were preached in Europe into a march on Jerusalem to free the Holy Sepulcher from the infidel Saracens. These who did not starve or drown before they reached sea ports, were sold into slavery? The witch craze of the Middle Ages took the lives of 300,000 men and women in Europe; not forgetting the seventy-five (75) tortured and executed in Massachusetts in the 1600s. The South Sea and John Law Investment Bubbles of the 1700s impoverished tens of thousands in France and England. One which much resembles that of today, was the St. Vitus Dance mania, in Germany, where people went prancing about the country in swarms. Due to the more rapid and far distant communications, the egalitarian mania of today extends from Washington and New York to Africa; where th e natives of Angora and Congo "demonstrate" their claim to equality by perpetrating crimes on hund reds of white men, women , and children priests and nuns-so bestial as to be beyond any civilized imaginati on-the women raped before the eyes o f dying men bleeding to death from unprintable mutilations-being the mi ldest. Covetous of the riches of Africa, the white nations of Noto, including our own, hastily sweep these horrors under the rug, and hypocriti cally toady to the "ambassadors" from that country. The brand of hypocrisy is the same; whether the white politi cian is bootlicking for the Negro vote in America; or the international " statesmen " are kotowing to African ambassadors-the result will be th e same-the black man will end up with his pockets picked by thes e self-seeking fakirs. Writing of the cr usades, Well s remar ks: " From the very first Aaming enthusiasm was mixed with baser elements. " Return ing to th e integration dec isio n; strangely - 13- �enough in this case, and all the others which have followed in respect to adult Negroes, an admission is inherent in what the Court said, and accepted by all who agree with the Court, including the " demonstrating " Negroes, that the Negro is inferior, and the only hope for his advance is " forced " close association with whites. Later disclosures of his advancement in a segregated society, will not support such a contention. BARRIERS WHICH THE COURT HAD TO ELUDE But the Court was confronted wi t h several apparently insurmountable obstacles. How could this constant association, required to improve the asserted inferiority of the Negro children in this case, and subsequent adu lt cases; and to make them a ll feel better; be achieved in the face of the seg regation laws of many states, North and South? The only answer was for the SUPERMEN to b rea k the laws requiring segregation. That th e y just haul ed off and did. They sa id the WHITE, TAFT, HUGHES AND VINSON COURTS did not know what they were talking about when they approved the " separate if equal " doctrine. The oldti mers did not have the benefit of the Swede 's d is covery that it would make th e Negro childre n fee l bad not to sit with th e whites; and, too, th ey mig ht not have been frank and cold enoug h, to say th at the N egro is inferior, and t hat t he onl y re medy for that is constant contact w ith th e w hi te. The knoc ko ut blow came in these precise w o rd s: " Any language in Pl essy vs. Ferg uson (t he old decision of 1896) contrary to thi s fin d ing (tha t is what the y and the Swed e had agreed upon) is rejecte d." It may again be re peated t ha t the man who wrote this opinio n dow ngradi ng the o ld Judges, had ne ver be fo re his appointment served as a Judge . It may be added here t hat the practice of appointing deserving political fr iends has not ceased . A little while ago t he Preside nt appoi nted Mess rs. White and Goldberg to fill vaca ncies on t he Court. In these cases, o ne was t he a ssociate of Bobby Sox, Atto rne y Ge nera l, w hose ju dgmen t of wha t are the q ua li fications of a Supreme Judge, may be measured by the fact that hi s first contact with any - 14- � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document THE SUPREME COURT THE SUPREME LAWBREAKER Informing the people how their liberty and property are being embezzled in Washington. by HARRY P. GAMBLE, SR. Attorney-at-Law-Retired of New Orleans Bar PREFACE To those who respect Harvard wisdom, listen to the warning in 1958, of Dr. Mc Ilwain, a Professor of the Science of Government: “Never in recorded history, | believe, has the individual been in greater danger from gov- ernment than now; never has law been in greater jeopardy from arbitrary will; and never has there been such need that we clear- ly see the danger and guard against it.”’ He does not name all the sources of this danger; but those most obvious are: The President, when he commands Federal troops to invade States; or, for example, issues ‘executive orders’ threatening to take bread from the mouths of thousands of working people, by withdrawing Federal funds appropriated for local projects, till his commands are obeyed; AND the Attorney General, who may and does pin the badge of a U.S. Marshal's authority on hundreds of bullyboys, and sends them out to in- timidate local authorities to bring them to his views; AND bureaucrats who freely issue “directives” to control the daily lives of thousands of people, from one to two thousand miles distant from Washington; people whose local laws and culture may be very different, even repugnant, to those of the area of their upbringing; AND the Supreme Court commanding obedience to their indefensible decisions, under threat of un- limited deprivation of liberty and property for noncompliance. It is true the Professor relies largely on an ‘‘able, honest, learned, and independent judiciary” to protect us from the aggressors, but adds: ‘‘l am not defending indefensible decisions of our courts. | would not shield them from the severest criticism.” It is these lawbreakers and unauthorized law- makers who are dealt with in the following paper. New Orleans, Louisiana, July 14th, 1963. Harry P. GAMBLE, SR. Of the New Orleans Bar Note 1: Pertinent provisions of the Constitution are found in the appendix. Note 2: All emphasis supplied by the writer. Can southerners atrora To be TIQnT WiTn The money iW WHO ARE THE LAWBREAKERS The parrot cry, “Obey the law,” is heard daily from Washington. Yet the chief lawbreakers are there; among them, the President, who issues un- authorized ‘‘executive orders,” and commands the Federal army to invade the States. But the cocks of the roost, are the nine men on the Supreme Judicial Bench of the United States. These nine men are uncontrolled. Their power is supreme, irresistible, and absolute, in our so-called democracy. Yet in every age in the long ages of government, it has been dem- onstrated, in the language of Lord Acton, often quoted, that: “‘Power corrupts; absolute power corrupts absolutely.” There is no authority in our system to check these nine men; or correct their mistakes, how- ever grievous; or nullify their seizure of un- authorized power; or punish their acts of tryanny. From time to time the earlier Judges sitting on that Bench have recognized their freedom from control, and asserted that it was not their function to go beyond “judicial review.” Chief Justice Marshall (1801-1835) briefly defin- ing this Judicial Review said: “The Court is merely a legal tribunal for the decision of controversies brought before them in legal form.” Judicial review means in general, that in cases appealable to the Supreme Court, it will review the evidence introduced in the lower court, and weigh- ing the law applicable, will affirm, reverse, or cor- rect the judgment there rendered. The law ap- plicable has never been held to mean that the Court may contrive, forge, or enact a law, which in its opinion fits the case, but shall render a de- cision on existing law enacted by the lawmaking power, constitutionally authorized so to do. If the law applied to the case below, in the opinion of the Courts is not constitutionally authorized, then it applies other existing law; still not contriving one of its own, either by strained interpretation, or downright enactment. No one has ever contended otherwise. == A recent announcement of that limitation by Chief Justice Vinson (1946-1953) declares: ‘Since we must rest our decisions on the Con- stitutian alone, we must set aside predilections on social policy and adhere to the settled rules which restrict the exercise of our power to judicial review.” (346 J.S. 240 1953) Judge Harlan, father of the sitting Judge Harlan, stated the same thing in this language: “When the American people come to the con- clusion that the Judiciary is usurping to itself the function of the legislative department, and by judicial construction is declaring what should be the public policy of the United States, we will be in trouble." In referring to the 14th Amendment, fraudulently adopted in 1868, which has become a bottomless fish hatchery, from which the Court has hooked some queer fish, never before suspected of inhabit- ing those waters, the eminent Judge Holmes (1902- 1938) said: “| cannot believe that the Amendment was in- tended to give carte blanc to embody our economic or moral belief in its prohibitions.” Referring to the rights reserved to the states in the 9th and 10th Amendments, he remarked that: “There is hardly any limit but the sky to invalidating these rights if they happen to strike the majority of this Court as for any reason undesirable.” 251 U.S. 580 (1930) And Chief Justice Hughes (1930-1941) com- mented: “It is not for the Court to amend the Con- stitution by judicial decree.”” This frank spoken jurist once observed, ‘‘The Consti- tution is what the Supreme Court says it is.” This assertion of a submerged truth did not much shock the careless American people; though dis- pleasing to the Court. Judge Douglas, still sitting, exploded furiously in the California-Colorado water diversion case, against the majority decision, saying: “This case will be marked as the baldest at- = Ol Can Southerners attord to be tight with their money in tempt by Judges in modern times to spin their philosophies in the fabric of the law in derogation of the will of the legisla- ture.” It will come as a surprise when disclosed that this same Judge (one of the law school teachers appointed, maybe a DEAN) in the earlier case of the Black School decision of 1954, took a con- trary stand, and agreed to founding the decision in that case on the mind reading speculations of a Swede, Gunar Myrdal, and associates, who figured that it would make the Negro children feel bad if they could not sit with white chil- dren in public schools. THEIR OWN WILL THE ONLY RESTRAINT OF THESE NINE MEN In reorganizing their absolute freedom from con- trol, the Court has frequently stated, to use the words of Chief Justice Stone (1925-1946). “The only check on our exercise of power is our own sense of self-restraint, Butler case. In thus admitting their freedom from control, they declare they are a super-government. Such a super-government, not elected by the people, but appointed for life, is not tolerated by the great democracies of Europe,—not by England, nor France, nor Germany, nor Italy. This fact is unknown to the great mass of the American people. The continuance of this un- controllable power in the hands of nine men, is undeniable proof that a potent segment of our political leadership does not trust demo- cratic processes; and have somehow contrived to surround these mere human beings with a halo of sanctity not merited in the experience of life, except by saints; a sanctity which en- deavors to protect them from criticism, no matter what. It is as if assumed and asserted that the appoint- ment by the President of a politically deserving friend (or to get rid of an opponent), will make that politician qualified to sit on the highest Tribunal in the Nation. In more than one instance such an appointment by the President has been charged to this mode of tidding himself of an active opposition candidate. asi President Lincoln appointed Senator Samuel B. Chase to be Chief Justice in 1864, when Lincoln was a candidate for re-nomination of the Republi- can Party, and Chase was an avowed candidaie for the same nomination. It has been printed that a political deal was made at the 1952 Republican National nominating convention between Governor Warren, who con- trolled the 72 votes of California, and Eisenhower managers—Eisenhower to get the votes for a de- cisive lead to the nomination, and Warren to be paid off by appointment to the Supreme Court. This may or may not be true, but since Warren was appointed shortly after Eisenhower assumed office—with no visible judicial qualifications for that high office; low-minded persons could scarcely be censured for raising their eyebrows. It may be that a miracle can be performed by hanging a black cloth on a politician, to forth- with convert him into a Judge; but few would be- lieve such a ceremony preceded by a sordid polliti- cal deal, is a correct method to procure SUPER- MEN for the Supreme Bench. It may be accepted as an axiom in government that once a politician, always a politician. A polli- tician cannot escape from a lifelong practice of pro- posing to amend and improve existing law. His success in politics has been founded on such promise and performance. That mode of thinking has be- come second nature. And though politicians are an honorable necessity in a democracy, with- out whom it could not function, the highest tribunal in the land is no place for them. Schoo! boys know that it is not the business of Judges to make laws, or amend laws, but to interpret and apply the laws enacted by the lawmaking power authorized so to do by the Constitution; and then only in cases duly brought before them. Relying on self-restraint by men exercising uncontrollable power is the zenith of folly—proven in all ages. Thomas Jefferson who spent fifty years with public men in public affairs, expressed his distrust of judicial restraint in these words: “The Judiciary is the instrument which is fo press us at last into one consolidated mass. . . . If Congress fails to shield the States from dan- gers so palpable and so imminent, the States foe Can Southerners afford to be tight with their money in must shield themselves, and meet the invader foot to foot.’ (Thomas Jefferson to Archibald Thweat, 1821) And: “The Judiciary of the United States is the subtle corps of sappers and miners constantly working underground, undermining the foun- dation of our constitutional fabric.” This worldly wise man did not mean to imply that the men who would serve on the Supreme Bench were dishonest or traitors; but simply that their natural bent would be to make the National . Government of which they were a part, supreme. In the long history of the Court, not more than one instance is suspected to have brought the shame of lack of integrity to the Supreme Bench. That is not the charge. The charge is that when appointed they do not know anything about judicial restraint and are not likely ever to be much impressed by that limitation. For they are not appointed on the basis of their judicial train- ing and learning. That these men not elected by the people to reign over them, attain their appointments for political reasons, and not for their judicial quali- fications, is abundantly proven by the fact that it is rare indeed to appoint a member of a state Supreme Court, or a Judge from the Federal Judiciary, where men of proven ability and many years of experience are to be found. In recent years, in respect to this ‘judicial re- straint’ a new note has been interjected by some now sitting on the Bench, Judge Douglas among them; that it is within the province of judicial action to do some lawmaking; which as we shall see, they have boldly done—united with its part- ner, lawbreaking. This far afield lawmaking and law breaking in recent years have drawn sharp and unusual criticism from the official organ of American lawyers, the American Bar Association; and the official condemnation of an assembly of Chief Justices of state Supreme Benches. Judicial seizure of power has grown so intoler- able, that an Amendment to the Federal Constitu- tion is now in process of adoption for holding them in check, and reducing their powers of super- = government. This Amendment has already been adopted by several states. HOW THESE SUPERMEN BREAK THE LAW When these nine SUPERMEN do not like a law enacted by Congress or a State Legislature, they shatter it. All they have to do is to call it uncon- stitutional. That it is not authorized, or is pro- hibited, by the Federal Constitution; and since, in the words of Chief Justice Hughes, the Constitution is what they say it is, the law is broken, and any decision which had before held it to be law is also broken, however long that decision may have been held to be law. In our kind of democracy, there is no remedy. Often the law is busted by the vote of one of the SUPERMEN. Four say ‘tis or ‘taint constitu- tional; and four say ‘taint or ‘tis; then one decides the question—to make a majority of five to four. Right here it is easy for the unawed mind to be- come confused with trying to keep up with the “now you see it, now you don't,” juggling going on among the SUPERMEN. For in one decision you see that five are truly SUPERMEN, and the other four are bush leaguers; but in the next decision, the bush leaguers are back in the majors, and some of the former SUPERMEN are banished to the minors. These chameleon changes so baffles one contemplating this coming and going, that he is likely to head for the nut house. Only a lizard in the animal world can pass through these changes without loss of prestige. When a citizen is told about these things, he is amazed that a meek Congress does not perform even the minor checking that the Constitution does authorize it to do, if it had any spunk. The highly intelligent men who have made it to Congress, you may be sure, are not for a moment smitten with the preposterous idea that hanging a dozen yards of black cloth on a politician (or a law school teacher), and giving him a job for life, will convert him into a SUPERMAN. (The State Judges are elected for periods of from eight to twelve years; and generally re-elected, since they never set up as SUPERMEN.) But somehow a potent minority who distrust the people prevails; so we in the great Ameri- can democracy have our super-government. os | a Cran Sautharnare affard ta he taht vsith thair manayw_in A TESTED STATUTE ENACTED BY CONGRESS OR STATE LEGISLATURE WHEN FOUND CONSTITUTIONAL IS LAW: THAT IS, UNTIL BROKEN It not infrequently happens that an Act of Con- gress or a state Legislature is charged before the Courts as being unconstitutional, and therefore, null. If in its decision the Court of last resort pro- nounces this law to be constitutional, then it is the law. Somewhat carelessly, this decision is itself - sometimes referred to as the law in question. Then business and government, state and na- tional, may and often do, expend millions, even billions, on faith thereof. That to the ordinary mind seems logical. The questioned law is settled. Let's go. But to the SUPERMEN, no! Any upcoming set of SUPERMEN may, and often do, assert that their predecessors were not the SUPERMEN that their contemporaries thought. Not at all. That was a big mistake. They were bush leaguers, or old fogies who did not know what was what. This is most extraordinary, since their own claim to absolute supremacy is founded on the proposition that as a body they are SUPERMEN. Their puzzling refusal to regard each other as SUPERMEN, while demanding that in a body they be so regarded by the people, is disclosed by the fact that: “In the brief span of sixteen years, be- tween 1937 and 1953, this Court has re- versed itself not fewer than thirty-two times on questions of constitutional law.” Kirkpatrick in ‘‘The Sovereign States,’’ p. 270. This work is less than 300 pages, by a distinguished journalist, quite under- standable by laymen. Published by Henry Regnery Co., Chicago. In every one of these instances, and many more, before and after, where their predecessors had presumably settled the question by declaring that a disputed act of Congress or Legislature is con- stitutional, and therefore the law, the reversal broke that law. In some of these instances, that law had been settled for many years, in the meantime frequently referred to and approved by subsequent Supreme Court decisions. A case of reversal and breaking, occurring since = the above record of thirty-two times in sixteen years, is one which will presently be brought un- der inspection. That was a decision of the Supreme Court of 1896, declaring an act of the Legislature to be constitutional law. In the interim of nearly sixty years, Supreme Courts presided over by such eminent jurists as Chief Justices White, Taft, Hughes, and Stone, had quoted that decision with approval. It was the law. THE SEGREGATION LAW That law was an act of the Legislature requiring the separation of the races in passenger transpor- tation. In a case before the Court in 1896, it was directly charged that this state law violated the 14th Amendment in not granting equal rights to Negro travellers. It was there decided that if the accommodations were equal, the separation of the races was not prohibited by the Amendment. This established the so-called doctrine of ‘Separate if equal; and through the years up to 1954, hun- dreds of millions have been expended in separate schools and other construction, and in educating Negroes in separate schools. This was the case of Plessy vs. Ferguson; 163 U.S. 537. In referring to other contemporary laws requiring separation of the races, not only in the South, but in the North, it was stated in that decision: “The most common instance of this is the establishment of schools for white and colored children, which has been held a valid exercise of legislative police power even by Courts where the political rights of the colored race have been longest and most earnestly en- forced.” It is true that in public education, which had to be supported by local taxation, the South was far behind the more prosperous North, which had been enriched by the Civil War, as the South had been impoverished. Added to the ravages of war, was the ten years of misgovernment and looting by adventurers from the North—called carpet- baggers because when they arrived in the South their whole worldly possessions were contained in a piece of luggage made of material used in car- pet making. These were maintained in office by the votes of the recently enfranchised Negroes, and thousands of Federal bayonets in each South- —3— | a Can Sautherners affard ta he tiaht with their manav_in ern state. Just as the same self-seeking class of Northern politicians are doing today, these carpet- baggers, instead of trying to do something of economic value for the Negroes, who, when they were freed by their Northern emancipators, were turned out to barren fields, without economic aid from their touted benefactors—these carpetbag- gers used the Negro vote to maintain themselves in office, paying off the Negroes with a minimum of participation in the looting, and a maximum of sweet talk about sterile ‘equality.’ Among the Southern people, regrettable as it must be admitted, there was then, as there is to- day, a relative few who profited by deserting to the enemy. These, called scalawags, aided the carpetbaggers and the Negroes; and, with their descendants, were ostracized for three generations. When these carpetbaggers were forced to flee by the bargain of the Southern Democrat leaders of Louisiana, Florida, and South Carolina, with the Republican President Rutherford B. Hayes, with- drawing the Federal troops they left the Negro in the lurch—just as their modern white models will do when the Northern white voters turn on them for exciting the Negroes to insurrection in those parts. After the flight of the carpetbaggers, both white and black had to endure another forty years of poverty—though gradually decreasing; until in 1915, the European war, demanding cotton, lum- ber, and other natural resources of the South, per- mitted a more rapid economic movement upward. The Second World War accelerated this move- ment. In 1961 the United States Chamber of Com- merce published certain conclusions relating to that development, referring to it as “nothing short of spectacular.” Under this improved economic prosperity, the whites and blacks of the South were making im- pressive advance in rational partnership when un- der New York prodding, the SUPERMEN led by Earl Warren, the astute politician from California, broke the law of 1896—separate if equal. This man, with not an hour's training as a Judge, had just been appointed by President Eisenhower to be Chief Justice over the other eight who had been sitting as Judges for several years. This appoint- salle ment was not so reprehensible as might first ap- pear, since of these eight, seven had been put on the Bench without any Judicial training. It must be admitted, in all fairness, that one of them, Judge Black, still there, had been a Justice of the Peace down in Alabama. The case before them in 1954, in which they broke the old law of separate if equal of 1896, was where some Negroes in Kansas, Delaware, South Carolina, and Virginia (the cases consoli- dated) claimed that the segregated Negro schools of these locations were not equal to the white schools, and they wanted the advantages of the white schools for their children. The Court did not agree that they were not equal, saying: “The Negro and white schools have been equalized, or are being equalized, with re- spect to building, curricula, qualifications and salaries of teachers, and other ‘tangible factors’.”’ That under the existing law, and its approval by intervening Supreme Court decisions, should have ended the case; the Negroes continued in their equal schools, and the separate if equal doctrine again affirmed. But the SUPERMEN said “No.” That did not end the case, they had found some- thing their predecessors, the White, Taft, Hughes, Stone, Vincent, Court Judges did not know. The SUPERMEN said that they had read in a book by a fellow by the name of Gunar Myrdal, who lived over in Sweden on the icy Baltic Sea where there are no Negroes, in which he claimed it would make the Negro children feel bad if they could not sit with white children in public schools, though their own Negro schools might be equal to the white schools. He was cited as ‘ample authority;’’ an expert, in other words. The Court noted the names of some half dozen other book writers, who penned more or less the same sentiments in their books. Now something peculiar happened in this case— something unheard of in judicial procedure where the opinions of persons alleged to be experts are introduced to aid the Courts. In such cases it is common for the alleged ‘expert’ to be brought into Court so that it may be determined by due ex- amination, and cross-examination by opposing counsel, whether the witness is in fact an expert whose testimony will be of value to the Court. Unhappily for all concerned, the Judges as well as others, this was not done in this case. What a field day a competent cross-examiner would have had with this Swede; and incidentally, protecting the Court from embarrassment in their subsequent exaltation of the opinions of the Swede, and his Communist tainted associates. What a joy it would have been to question this resident of the Arctic regions on how he became acquainted with what it took to make Negroes feel bad; what Negroes did he consult; was the feeling only mental, or also physical; what schools of medicine did he graduate from; or was he a fol- lower of the Austrian Freud, who emphasized sex in evaluating mental operations; or the German Adler, who stressed fear more than sex in probing the mind; or had he strayed off with the Swiss Jung, who had acquired some twists of his own in thought reading. He could have been required to state whether his investigations related only to what made Negroes feel bad, or if he had in- cluded the yellow Chinese, the brown Malays, and the red Indians. Especially he could have disclosed what made white children feel bad, that is if they were important enough to be included in his roam- ings; and if by making colored children feel good by bringing them into association with white chil- dren, it might make the white children feel bad; and which, if either, was the more important, to continue the coloreds in feeling bad, and the whites not, or make the coloreds feel good at the expense of the whites? The examination would have disclosed what we hope the Judges were ignorant of, when they ac- cepted the Swede, and his companions, as ‘ample authority," as they said. These authors were rotten with Communist associations, some with more than a dozen Communistic front citations. One must wonder whether, when they approved the Swede as “ample authority,’ they had read that part of his book declaring that what the Founding Fathers did when they confected the Constitution “was al- most a plot against the common people.” An in- strument of government which non-Communist statesmen have acclaimed for one hundred and —ll— seventy-five years. And was he ‘ample authority” when he asserted that our Constitution “is imprac- tical and outmoded?” Having agreed with the Swede that it would make the Negro children feel bad not to sit with white children; it was next in order to determine whether the authors of the 14th Amendment in 1868 had intended by it to turn over to the Federal Government Public Education in the States. If that Amendment did not do this then the SUPERMEN could not seize control of these schools. They con- cluded, happily for their intent, that from ‘‘ex- haustive investigation” of the times and what was then said, the evidence was ‘inconclusive.’ That opened the way for them to insert in it their own views of what ought to have been, or might have been; that is te amend it to suit what they had in mind—namely, that it did take away from the States the right to manage their own schools which they had taxed themselves to support; and turned over to the SUPERMEN the power to say how they should be operated. It is poetic justice that the fraudulent adoption of that Amendment permits equally fraudulent in- terpretations—like the one by the SUPERMEN, the latest and most disastrous—which has resulted in the bitter interruption of good relations between the races. That adoption was achieved in an at- mosphere of rancour, followed by the very same kind of deception and betrayal of the Negroes by the carpetbaggers, as is certain to result from simi- lar conduct of the modern form of carpetbaggery. Having now so interpreted the Amendment that they could use it as a basis for their decision to adopt the Swede's cozy views to bring the white and colored children together to make the colored children feel better; that they proceeded to do. The Court's precise language in agreeing with the Swede is as follows: “To separate Negro children from others of similar age and qualifications solely because of their race, generates a feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely to ever be undone.” The Court failed to discuss whether it would ‘generate a feeling of inferiority’ in the hearts —1]2— Can Southerners afford to be tiqht with their money in and minds of white children, if forced to sit with Negro children. Apparently the Swede had no musing on this point. The modern mania for equal rights evidently does not include within its vague crusade, the white race. To digress for a moment: Every century or so a craze unaccountably seizes on the world, as this egalitarian craze has appeared in our times. In the 13th century thousands of children were preached in Europe into a march on Jerusalem to free the Holy Sepulcher from the infidel Saracens. These who did not starve or drown before they reached sea ports, were sold into slavery? The witch craze of the Middle Ages took the lives of 300,000 men and women in Europe; not forgetting the seventy-five (75) tortured and executed in Mas- sachusetts in the 1600s. The South Sea and John Law Investment Bubbles of the 1700s impover- ished tens of thousands in France and England. One which much resembles that of today, was the St. Vitus Dance mania, in Germany, where people went prancing about the country in swarms. Due to the more rapid and far distant communi- cations, the egalitarian mania of today extends from Washington and New York to Africa; where the natives of Angora and Congo "demonstrate" their claim to equality by perpetrating crimes on hundreds of white men, women, and children— priests and nuns—so bestial as to be beyond any civilized imagination—the women raped before the eyes of dying men bleeding to death from unprintable mutilations—being the mildest. Covet- ous of the riches of Africa, the white nations of Nato, including our own, hastily sweep these hor- rors under the rug, and hypocritically toady to the “ambassadors” from that country. The brand of hypocrisy is the same; whether the white politician is bootlicking for the Negro vote in America; or the international “statesmen” are kotowing to African ambassadors—the result will be the same—the black man will end up with his pockets picked by these self-seeking fakirs. Writing of the crusades, Wells remarks: ‘From the very first flaming enthusiasm was mixed with baser elements.” Returning to the integration decision; strangely —=Ts— enough in this case, and all the others which have followed in respect to adult Negroes, an admission is inherent in what the Court said, and accepted by all who agree with the Court, including the demonstrating’ Negroes, that the Negro is in- ferior, and the only hope for his advance is ‘forced’ close association with whites. Later dis- closures of his advancement in a segregated society, will not support such a contention. BARRIERS WHICH THE COURT HAD TO ELUDE But the Court was confronted with several ap- parently insurmountable obstacles. How could this constant association, required to improve the as- serted inferiority of the Negro children in this case, and subsequent adult cases; and to make them all feel better; be achieved in the face of the segre- gation laws of many states, North and South? The only answer was for the SUPERMEN to break the laws requiring segregation. That they just hauled off and did. They said the WHITE, TAFT, HUGHES AND VINSON COURTS did not know what they were talking about when they approved the ‘‘sep- arate if equal” doctrine. The oldtimers did not have the benefit of the Swede's discovery that it would make the Negro children feel bad not to sift with the whites; and, too, they might not have been frank and cold enough, to say that the Negro is inferior, and that the only remedy for that is constant contact with the white. The knockout blow came in these precise words: “Any language in Plessy vs. Ferguson (the old decision of 1896) contrary to this finding (that is what they and the Swede had agreed upon) is rejected.” It may again be repeated that the man who wrote this opinion downgrading the old Judges, had never before his appointment served as a Judge. It may be added here that the practice of ap- pointing deserving political friends has not ceased. A little while ago the President appointed Messrs. White and Goldberg to fill vacancies on the Court. In these cases, one was the associate of Bobby Sox, Attorney General, whose judgment of what are the qualifications of a Supreme Judge, may be measured by the fact that his first contact with any =  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 3 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/df0cc0b3032134b47fca25b41cde92ac.pdf 682bc3ddaf835c6ce1335da64099d8cd Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. Notices Going Out To Help Mail ZIP By MICHAEL WRIGHT Atlanta postmen were delivering 200,000 notices to postal patrons Monday announcing the start of the Zoning Improvement Plan Code program. "The notice delivered to each resident, business firm, and box holder gives the new five-digit ZIP Code Number to be used in their return address," Postmaster Burl Sanders said at a Monday press conference. ZIP Code, a five-digit coding system, is intended for all classes and types of m ail, he said. "The first digit identifies the geographical area," the postmaster reported. "The second and third .digits, together with the first, identify the major city or sectional center, and the fourth and fifth digits identify the post office or other delivery unit." C. Banks Gladden, Regional Director of the Atlanta region of the Post Office Department, said that the new program for distributing mail was "born of necessity" and may forestall postal rate increases. "The postal service now handles nearly 70 billion pieces of mail annually," Mr. Gladden said. "With the ZIP Code mail will be handled faster and at a lower cost." ZIP CODE will not reduce the number of postal employes, he reported. "Using this new system the Post Office Department will not have to hire additional people to handle increased volumes of mail," Public co-operation is expected , Mr. Gladden said, "because our goal is to reduce operating costs." � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 30 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/fb8021c1447a1d710aa94242b9218fe6.pdf e4e16b3c4875d69c0aaeb1eeb3f5077c Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. { WHAT IS THE GR.EATER ATLANTA COUNCI~ ON HUMAN RELATIONS •••• ? It is primarily a meeting ground where Negroes and ·whites can discuss their problems and get better acquainted. It works to secure dignity and freedom for all persons and to solve problems without hatred or violence. �2 WHAT DOES . THE .GREATER ATLANTA COUNCIL ON HUMAN RELATIONS DO •• ? By informing, consulting, conferring, it is working ••• • To bring a.bout desegregation of medical and he a lth services and training programs • • To make desegregation of Atlant a' s schools and colleges successful • •To provide a. Student Council for hi gh school and co lle ge s t udents wit h a n opport~nit y to work f or b etter huma n r el a tions i n the i r own a ge gr oup • •To mai nt ain c los e contac t wi t h Negro trans f e r stud ent s and the ir parents • •To increase merit emp loyment. L . To provide hospitality f or f or e ign visitor s in our c ity • • To consu lt with ministers, educators, civic leaders before probl ems become critical. A . To make cultu ral fa cil itie s available to a ll citi zens • • To impr ove housing, education , employment, health service s , public a.ccomodati ons and t he arts for al l c itizens of Grea t er Atlanta. C • I �2 3 WHAT DOES THE .GP.EATER ATLANTA com I Ii, . ON HUMAN RELATIONS DO •• ? By informing, consulting, conferr ng, it is working ••• • To bring a.bout desegregation of medical and health services and ing programs • rain- • To make desegregation of Atlant 's schools and colleges successful • •To prov ide a Student Council fo hi gh schoo l a nd col lege students with an opportunity to work for bette human relations in their own a ge oup • •To maintain close c ontac t wi t h .gro transfer students and the i r par , ts . .To increase merit employment. LAST YEAR THE GACHR HELPED: .To dese greg a te Decatur- DeKalb li.To provide hospitality for f or e i n b rary •• visitors in our city. • To desegregate Grady Hospital training pr ogr ams • • To consult with ministers, educ a ors, • To de segre ga t e Atlanta. movies • civic leaders before problems be ome .To pr e par e a s ur vey of employment critical. practices •••• ALSO GACHR .To make cultural facilit ies avai lable .Couns eled with Transfer Students • to all citizens . • Comp iled a. list of inte gra ted f acilities • • To improve housing, educati on , e ploy. Presented UN Undersec r etary Ra lph ment, health servi c es, publ ic a.c omoBunche and White Hous e Associate dations and the arts for al l cit zens of Pr e s s Se cretary Andre w Ha tcher a s Greater Atlanta.. s pecial speakers to the community • • Opened office and doubled membership • • Distributed a monthl y Newsletter a nd he ld mont hly membe r s hip me etings. COOPERATED WITH OTHER GROUPS �/ 5 IAT IS THE 1963 GOAL OF GACHR •• ? .To increase membership to 1,000 ,To continue monthly luncheons for members and friends (first Mondays at Central Y¾CA) ,To continue monthly Newsletter and periodic special reports ,To continue work in special areas such as education and housing • .To r aise a budget of $ 10,000, which is needed to maintain office and pr ogram: $ 3,300 Offi ce Sec r et ar y • • • • 1, 020 Offi ce r e nt •••••• ~ •• 78 0 Te lephone •• • •• • ••••• 72 0 Postage .•••• • •• • • • •• Su pplies & e quipment 960 Special program pr o j ec ts suc h as student work2,500 shops , etc. Conti ngenc y 72 0 Total $ 10 , 000 CSalaries of Director and Assis t a nt Director, this year pr ov i ded by Uni tarian Servi ce Cojllffiittee, Inc., a world- wide, non-sec t ar i an serv ic e organization, a.spa.rt of it s human relation s program thr oughout the world, tot a l over $ 10,000). • �6 THE GACHR •••• ? HOW CAN YOU HELP •••••••• ? .You can become a member. Annual dues are $ 5 per person or $ 9 per couple • • You can join in soliciting new members and donations ••• • You can submit names of people who may be interested in joining or giving ••• • You can accept a special job to raise funds • • You can give volunteer time a.t office or a.t home ••• • You can collect $1 from people in yo~r church, club or social group who may say "I wish I could do someth i ng" ••• • You can a.ct on your own convictions a,nd encourage others to, do the same •• Greater Atlanta. Council on Human Relations 5 Forsyth Street, · N. w., Atlanta. 3, Ga.. Phone: 523-1581 I would ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) like to support the GACHR by becoming a. member volunteering my services giving a. donation soliciting funds office work Name •••••• •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• Street• • •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• City •••••••• ~•••••••••••••Zone ••••• St a. te •• Telephone number••••••••••••••••••• •• •••• • ( ) I enclose$ dues ( ) I enclose$ dona t i on � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document WHAT IS THE GREATER ATLANTA COUNCIZ ON HUMAN RELATIONS....? It is primarily a meeting ground where Negroes and whites can dis- cuss their problems and get better acquainted. It works to secure dignity and freedom for all per- sons and to solve problems with- out hatred or violence. WHAT DOES THE .GREATER ATLANTA COUNCIL ON HUMAN RELATIONS DO..? By informing, consulting, conferring, it is working... -To bring about desegregation of medical and health services and train- ing programs. eTo make desegregation of Atlanta's schools and colileges successful. elo provide a Student Council for high school and college students with an opportunity to work for better hu- man relations in their own age group. elO maintain close contact with Negro transfer students and their parents. elo increase merit employment. «To provide hospitality for foreign visitors in our city. elo consult with ministers, educators, civic leaders before problems become critical, eTo make cultural facilities availabie to all citizens. -To improve housing, education, employ- ment, health services, public accomo- dations and the arts for all citizens of Greater Atlanta. WHAT DOES THE .GREATER ATLANTA COUNCIL ON HUMAN RELATIONS DO..? By informing, consulting, conferring, it is working... -To bring about desegregation of medical and health services and train- ing programs. elo make desegregation of Atlanta's schoois and colleges successful. elo provide a Student Council for high school and college students with an opportunity to work for better hu- man relations in their own age group. elo maintain close contact with Negro transfer students and their parents. elo increase merit employment. LAST YEAR THE GACHR HELPED: elo desegregate Decatur-—DeKalb li- To provide hospitality for foreibn brary... visitors in our city. -To desegregate Grady Hospital training programs. -To consult with ministers, educators, -To desegregate Atlanta movies. civic leaders before problems betome »ToO prepare a survey of employment critical. practices..e. ALSO GACHR -To make cultural facilities available eCounseled with Transfer Students. to all citizens. eCompiled a list of integrated fa- cilities, «fo improve housing, education, ehploy- «Presented UN Undersecretary Ralph ment, health services, public actomo- Bunche and White House Associate dations and the arts for all citizens of Press Secretary Andrew Hatcher as Greater Atlanta. special speakers to the community. eOpened office and doubled membership, eDistributed a monthly Newsletter and held monthly membership meetings, COOPERATED WITH OTHER GROUPS JAT IS THE 1963 GOAL OF GACHR..? .To increase membership to 1,000 :To continue monthly luncheons for members and friends (first Mondays at Central YWCA) »To continue monthly Newsletter and periodic special reports .To continue work in special areas such as education and housing. .To raise a budget of $10,000, which is needed to maintain office and program: Office Secretary.... $3,300 GELEICE TENE .c6caene 1,020 Te Lepnone ss sivas oe 00's 780 POSTAGE s vcleiseueee ese 720 Supplies & equipment 960 Special program projects such as student work- shops, etc. 2,500 Contingency 720 Total $10,000 (Salaries of Director and Assistant Director, this year provided by Unitarian Service Committee, Inc., a world-wide, non-sectarian service organization, as part of its human relations program throughout the world, total over $10,000). THE GACHR...e? HOW CAN YOU HELP. .caceee? «You can become a member. Annual dues are $5 per person or $9 per couple. «You can join in soliciting new mem- bers and donations... «You can submit names of people who may be interested in joining or giving... «You can accept a special job to raise funds. -You can give volunteer time at office or at home.ee -You can collect $1 from people in your church, club or social group who may say “I wish I could do some- things « «You can act on your own convictions and encourage others to do the same... Greater Atlanta Council on Human Relations 5 Forsyth Street, N. W., Atlanta 3, Ga, Phone: 523-1581 I would like to support the GACHR by becoming a member volunteering my services giving a donation soliciting funds office work LANA Set et et NANG see ee Ces Oe eee be Cees ee eeeases eee ns e6s STCCC Us eas s0 bes ee sees secsieseeeeneveestveee CLEY 6 selaiwsstees eens anes ee CONCe es se Obatess Telephone TSUN) cel ete sa atele ele wielelea a elernicetea bs eTare ¢€ ) I enclose$ dues ( ) I enclose$ donation  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 31 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/fe4ef8b0413ebe1eaf03abefe4ffa7dc.pdf 3a44bc082f88e73bd326344f1ed3ae30 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. ,,. 'How Numerous Swimmers Now?' The Editors: It would be interesting to know just what the attendance is at the formerly white city swimming pools. Yesterday I cow1ted two people in the Oakla11d city pool ar ound 6 o'clock. Last year when my children used the pool there would be several hundred still there at that time. Earlier Silllday afternoon, just after the pool opened, the entrance of about six Negroes practically emptied the pool of what white persons were there. The Negro speaks of moral ' rights and not obeying laws that he does not believe to be just. Is it morally r ight for a few such as the six Negroes to deny hundreds of whites their rights i:Jacause they do not care Lo bathe with them in public? ·· PERRY STEPHENS. Atlanta. I I"' • � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 32 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/02a706a9a2728138990e3d434f401653.pdf 0f03b629e551204884bcffd34f968898 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. Negro Held In Car-Bump Melee Case r !l- ._. - A young Negro, arrested during the weekend after a melee that grew out of a mi nor rearend collision of two cars, has been bound over to Fulton Criminal Court on a charge of assaitlt and battery. The Negro, Robert Lee Freema n, 22, of 756 Capitol Ave., was placed under a $500 bond. At the same hearing the judge dismissed a related charge of assault and battery against a white man, Warren D. Young, 23, of Rte. 2, Lithonia . Detective H. A. Quave said he was told that the white man was struck with a brick and the ~egro with a wrench during the 1elee. Both men were treated at rady Hospital for head wounds. The affray occurred after the ~man's car bumped or jarred rear of Young's at a street rsection. l To Cl, Gov. speake Chamt banqw at 7 Depot Bai Year Char said cam indt in f M exp ,, � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 33 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/ed07cf3b273b86d806017f3dfbe19a64.pdf 1b74cd0b3e2fe1c25950ab4b527afd53 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. Los Angeles Herald-Examlaer Long, Smathers Sunday, July 14, 1963 1 I: The South Rises - to Fight Marchers Will Defy Guard !From UPI a nd AP> mission recommended it, WASHINGTON, July 13- but now he flip-flops and Sen. Russell B. Long, D-La., comes out with a complete vowed today to oppose one surrender to minority presor President Kennedy's civil sure groups. rights proposals "until hell The Louisiana senator said freezes over. Then I propose he would like to see a nato start fighting on the ice." tional referendum on the Sen. George Smathers, civil rights legislation. He D·Fla., also came out in op- acknowledged there was no position to features of the chance of such a ·vote being President's program and an- held but said that if it was, nounced he would filibuster "the civil rights bill would against the overall legisla- be voted down." Smathers said: ' "I think tion. Long objected to the Presi- .. . that the tax reduction dent's request that the gov- bill which would stimulate ernment be empow~red to the economy- and provide cut off Fed~ral funds m_are~s more jobs for all of our wher~ racial segregat10:r:1 IS peop l e- and particularly pra?tI~ed. In a trans?r~bed the Negro citizen is much radio mterv1ew for Loms1ana more h,elpful . . . and much stations, Long commented: more beneficial in the long CAMBRIDGE, Md., July 13 leaders, defying the National Guard's ban on demonstrations. have served notice they will resume street marches Monday in an effort to break down racia). barriers. IA'! -Negro "Our people are restless. They want their freedom and they are determined to acquire those legitimate rights which have been too long denied them," said a statement by the Cambridge Non-Violent Action Committee. Assail Rights Bill I The committee is headed "President Kennedy originally said he was opposed to such power being given to the Chief Executive when the Civil Rights Com- by Mrs. Gloria Richardson, run th an the so-called sort of visionary rights which he talks about and the socalled civil rights bill." militant integrationist leader. What will happen when the National Guard confronts the The Florida senator said demonstrators remains to be he will not support( a section seen. Last night about 250 of the President's program m archers dispersed when which would desegregate priBrig. Gen. George M. Gelston vate businesses serving the quietly notified them they would be violating militia law, invoked by Gov. J. Millard Tawes. The integrationists praised the guard for its "impartial" handling of the tense situation, but accused Gov. Tawes A SOCI ETY O F HIS OWN - As members of the of "inaction and lack of posiWASHINGTON, July 13 lil'!. NAACP began pie keting privately- wned St. Louis tive leadership." The Justice Department 11as Tawes has turned down deamusement parks, so did Ernest Meixner. Astride a asked the courts to reopen mands for a special legislawhite mule, he called for a National Association fo r voter registration in Jackson, Always on the Dot when you tive session. t he Advancement of White People, and picketed Miss., shut down a week ago Under watchful eyes of 400 at the l'ieight of a Negro regisGuardsmen, the city dist he pickets. However, there were no erious incidents. trat!on drive. Travel In Atty. Gen. Robert F. Ken· played an uneasy semblance Jersey of normalcy today. There nedy, announcing the filing was no immediate sign of a of a suit in Jackson, said further outt'>reak of racial the action was taken only violence. I ·f 1 ff rt b th 0 The day wore on without I ~t;!:m~~ah:d f.!1e~ t! trouble. Gelston said he was I get voluntary reopening. s izes 16½ to 24½ thinking o~ relaxing some j Named as defendants in the and 38 to 52 of the drastic curbs cla143.215.248.55d (Continued fr"om Page 1) had arrested for trespassing,suit were the registrar, H. T. P u re acetate jersey, on the town under m1hba in Southwood. IAshford Jr., and the state of drapes so gracefully, law. _ "because it is a good home Jackson and his wife, Alyce,1Mississippi. ~ ht and a good buy." He ·denied shies fro m creasing, · For example, he mig I that any integration group were present at ~he press con-1 The suit said Ashford asked packs a n d unpacks change the off-the-streets cur-, f. . th h ference and said they were the Hinds county circuit court from 9 P m to 10 P m was mancmg e pure ase, " h " b t wn , few always ready to b " · · . ·. but declined to say where very appy a ou son s to close registration on July .worn. Youthfu l styl We ar~ _3!SO mveSt igat~gl the necessary loan was be- agreement to .sell them a 3 and an order was promptly the poss1b1llty ~f allowmg . d home. issued Glosing all registr ation with a cardigan nee . · package goods liquor stores mg arrange · line, skirt of unpress Meanwhile Torrance police TROUBLE? m the county until after the to reopen··· we know peoplel· ' Nov 5 election pleats. Wh ite. dott are bringing liquor into cam- breathed a sigh of relief. Asked if they expected any · .· . black or navy blue bridge and we feel it's not T ~ e i r vacation schedule, trouble from their new neigh- Ashford said his ~mall staff fa'.ir for the package goods lWhich had been suspended bors or others, Mrs. Jackson was overburdened m prepa_r· stores to be penalized " he during the recent Southwood replied: mg for the Aug. 6 Democratic ____ ' picketing an d demonstra"No. 1 don't, really. How· primary, in which 138 name~ said, tions, was restored according ever, if anything s h o u 1 d will be on the ballot. . happen, I hope that I shall But the department deto Lt. Swayne Johnson. Even the "token" picket be able to face it intelli· ,clared Ashford sought the Louisville line, which leaders of the gently." ·order closing registration "to Congress of Racial Equality The Jacksons have a five- frustrate the Negro registrahad indicated would con- year-old son, Eric, who would tion drive, thereby perpetuattinue outside the Southwood be the only Negro child en- ing the imbalan ce between City Jobs sales office until the Jack- rolled in a Torrance school. the percentage of Negro and LOUISVILLE, Ky., July 13 sons actually move in, failed But Jackson said no trouble white persons registered in m-Mayor William Cowger to appear Saturday morning. is expected there since the the county." issued an executive order AGREEMENT boy already attends a private - - -today banning discrimina· Wilson's acceptance of the school and will probably not It's Her First tion by contractors doing deposit-and his agreement be enrolled locally. business with the city, ef- to meet other demands of At present, the couple live fective. Aug I. ,the integrationist group - in a rented home in west Los Years In_ an ad~inistrative di- Jwere disclosed F~iday at a Angeles. LONDON, July 13 (A'!-Dr. The Negro salesman, Wil· rective to city department 1press conference m Wilson's heads, the mayor said to- general offices at Gardena. son explained, is already Margaret Murray, n o t e d day a clause will be in· I In his own statement, Wil- employed by him at another Egyptologist and specialist serted in contracts and bid Ison said he had met with of his tracts - but will be on witchcraft, is celebratinvitations requiring con· 1heads of the NAACP and the shifted tn t he future to sell ing her 100th birthday here. Her 90,000-word autobitractors to bar discrimina- United Civil Rights Commit- houses at various t racts tion beca1;1s~ of race, c~eed, t~e F'.riday morning, after he without regard to predomi· ography, "My First Hundred co!o~, religion or national /dismissed charges against 40 nant racial character of the Years," was published· yesongm. me bers of CORE whom he areas. terday. Courts Get Jacks·on Voting Suit PICKETING THE ~ICKETS The p•ICkef 5 V:an1s •h In Torrance Peace . only I Ba ns Bias In 100 1 , 699 public or a provisfon to authorize the attorney general to bring school integration suits. ~mathers said he doesn 't thmk Southern opponents can cond~ct a successful f!li~uster without some Republlcan help. SUMMER SPECIAL FUR RESTYtlNG FREE PICKUP & DELIVERY PL. 3-7351 MANCHEY U22 sq � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Los Angeles Herald-Examiner | Sunday, uy 14,1968 | | & I CAMBRIDGE, Md., July. 13) | | @®—Negto leaders, defying! the National Guard’s ban on! demonstrations, have served | notice they will resume street) ‘Marches Monday in an effort} to break down racial barriers. . “Our people are restless. | They want their Pe and they are determined to acquire those legitimate | rights which have been too | long denied them,” said a | statement by the Cam- bridge Non-Violent Action a ittee. The committee is headed) by Mrs. Gloria Richardson,| militant integrationist leader. | _ What will happen when the} | National Guard confronts the! demonstrators remains to be} seen. Last night about 250 lard Te Tic me cations praised | the guard for its “ampartial” | a accused Gov.’ = 0 of ‘inaction and lack of posi- | tive leadership.” A rmed down de-| NAACP began picketing amusement parks, so did —Astociated Press Wirephoto PICKETING THE PICKETS A SOCIETY OF HIS OWN — As members of the privately-owned St. Louis Ernest Meixner. Astride a white mule, he called for a National Association for the Advancement of White People, and picketed the pickets. However, there-were no serious incidents. ‘played an uneasy semblance) — of normalcy: today. There| ; was no immediate sign of of a further outbreak of rail violence, The day wore on without | trouble. Gelston said he was | a g of relaxing some 2 rasta curbs clamped | on the town under militia law, ‘For example, he ‘might hange the off-the-streets cur- few from 9 p.m. to10 p.m. “We are also investigating) the possibility of allowing| package goods liquor stores ing arranged. to reopen... we know people, Meanwhile, Torrance police are bringing ‘liquor ‘nto Gam:-! |breathed a sigh of relief. bridge and we feel it's noti ‘Their vacation schedule, fair for the package goods siwhich had been suspended stores to, be penalized,” he! during the recent Southwood said, [picketing and demonstra jtions, was restored according ito Lt. Swayne Johnson. Even the “token” picket line; which leaders of fhe Congress of Racial Equality ,|had indicated would eon- tinue outside the Southwood Sales office until the Jack- isons actually move in, failed fo appear Saturday morning. - Continued from Page 1) “pponiise it is a good home and a good buy.” He denied that any integration group | was financing the purchase, but declined to say where the necessary loan was be- Louisville Bans Bias In City Jobs | LOUISVILLE, Ky., July 13 | {#—Mayor William Cowger _— - executive order AGREEMENT ay banning discrimina- | wijson’s acceptance of the tion by contractors: op jdeposit—and his agreement business with the city, ef- to meet other demands of fective Aug 1. ithe integrationist group — In an administrative di- | were disclosed Friday at a fective to city department ‘press conference in Wilson's - Heads, the mayor said te- general offices at Gardena. day a clause will be in-| In his own statement, Wil- -serted in contracts and bid |son seid he had met with invitations requiring con- jheads of the NAACP and the tractors to bar diserimina- |United Civil Rights Commit: The Pickets Vanish ‘In Torrance Peace had arrested for trespassing in Southwood. ; were present at the DEeSS con: ference. and said they were} “very happy” about Wilson’s| agreement to sell them a home, TROUBLE? Asked if they expected any trouble from their new neigh- bors or others; Mrs. Jackson replied: “No. don't, really, How- ever, if anything should happen, I hope that 1 shall be able te face it intelli- gently.” The Jacksons have a five- year-old son, Eric, who would be the only Negro child en- rolied in a Torrance school. But Jackson said no trouble is expected there since the boy already attends a private be enrolled Jocally. Angeles. The Negro salesman, Wil- son explained, is already employed by him at another of his tracts — but will be shifted in the future to sell houses at Various tracts tion because of race, creed, tee Friday morning, after he color, ‘Teligion or national \dismissed charges against 40 members of CORE Wesey he without regard to predomi- nant racial character of the arenes school and will probably not At present, the couple live! in a rented home in West Los {From UPI and AP) WASHINGTON, July 18 — sen. Russell B. Long, D-La.,| yowed today to oppose one rights proposals “until hell} freezes over. Then I propo: to start fighting on the | Sen. George Smather DFla., also came out position to features of President’s program and nounced he would ib) against the overall | tion. dent’s request, isuit were | oe | The ithe Hinds ' jto close regi. )3 and an order was issued closing all r in the county un! after he Nov. 5 election. ej Ashford said his small ; || was overburdened in prepar- | ing for the Aug: 6 Democratic primary. in which 138 names) will be on the ballot: clared Ashford sought ti order hee regist ing the qrabalan pebwect white persons registered . the county.” lt’s Her First 100 Years LONDON, July 13 (7—Dr Margaret; Murray, noted Egyptologist and specialist on witchcraft, is celebrat- ing her 100th birthday here. Her 90,000-word atitobi- Years,” was published :yes- | terday. of President Kennedy's civil] | Long, Smathers Assail Rights Bill The South Rises—to Fight | mission erovorii ened it, |public or a provision to au- but he flip-flops and |thorize the attorney general|}| ‘comes with. a complete |to bring school integration rsurrender to minority pres- | suits, | | Smathers said he doesn’t) think Southern opponents can conduct a successful fili- the! | buster some Repub- the percentage of Negro and ography, “My First Hundred | j  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 34 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/7b3a792a8b79c0a798220fc3358a78f0.pdf 716b6ecfbe27362720cd1d76f7106233 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. Uneasy 1orrance Peace Negroes to Move On More .Builders l • REACTION to Marlon Brando's charge of racial bias in movie industry. Page A-2. An uneasy peace hung over the integrationroubled Southwood housing tract of Torrance yesterlay as a Negro family prepared to move into the L_ ouse on which developer·-...C-- - - - - -- - - s on Wilson accepted a ' $500 of tract homes in Southern II] eposit Friday. California," he said. "Those rn who don't agree to inteThere were no pickets at grate will face ·mass deme tract, no demonstrators onstrations an_d picketing." and few sightseers. Other Negro leaders were WIDEN DRIVE jubilant over their "victory" In reality, however, the though, and the Rev. H . H . peace at Southwood was lit- Brookins said the agreement & le more than a temporary reached with Wilson was an µmistice. Attorney Thomas "important breakthrough" in ~eusom of the National As- ending all segregation in this ociation ·tor the Advance- area. ent of Colored People said Wilson, on the other hand, ·s group intends to bring denied that he had ever disressure on other builders, criminated against Negro ow. buyers. "We will start work im"As I h a v e previously mediatel}I on every builder stated," he said, "it has not been and is not my policy to 111111111111111111111111111111111111111111~ discriminate ih the sale of my homes-anc a statement to that effect will be posted in my sales offices from now EXAMINER ~ on." ACCEPTS DEPOSIT ON STORY = ~ e, Page 1, Sedion 11 e, Page 4, Section He accepted the deposit Friday from Negro attorney Odis E Jackson on a single-story, E three · bedroom Southwood B E home priced at $30,000. 5 Jackson s a Id he had B picked the Southwood home = lllllfllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllii (Continued on Paie 8, Cols. 2·3) � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document I> | Uneasy Torrance Peace | Negroes to Move On More Builders ® REACTION to Marlon Brando’s charge of racial bias in movie industry. Page A-2. An uneasy peace hung over the integration-| roubled Southwood housing tract of Torrance yester- lay as a Negro family prepared to move into the iouse on which developer jon Wilson accepted a° $500 posit Friday. | There were no pickets at he tract, no demonstrators -and few sightseers. WIDEN DRIVE In reality, however, the peace at Southwood was lit- ile more than a temporary armistice. Attorney Thomas Neusom of the National As- sociation for the Advance- ment of Colored People said his group intends to bring pressure on other builders, now. “We will start work im- mediatelygon every builder COTTE EXAMINER ON STORY re, Page 1, Section B le,” Page 4, Section B LACNUMONGOATONOTONTRO NONI EES MUNEOTEROONE of tract homes in Southern California,” he said. “Those who don’t agree to inte- grate will face mass dem- onstrations and picketing.” Other Negro leaders were jubilant over their “victory” though, and the Rev. H. H. Brookins said the agreement reached with Wilson was an “important breakthrough” in jending all segregation in this area. Wilson, on the other hand, denied that he had ever dis- criminated against Negro buyers. “As I have _ previously stated,” he said, “it has not been and is not my policy to discriminate ih the sale of my homes—ane a statement to that effect will be posted in my sales offices from now on.” ACCEPTS DEPOSIT He accepted the deposit Fri- day from Negro attorney Odis Jackson on a _ single-story,|, three - bedroom Southwood home priced at $30,000. Jackson said he had Picked the Southwood home HUTTE LETHE NAAATA IATL (Continued on Page 8, Cols. 2-3) ee PA ni  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 35 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/2b8ec5e5eda513b9b787b2936011af01.pdf 5b96d04d3d5f249cadf3c033139fdaa1 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. ~!;:::._~ ~,:;_ t:;f5~~ ~~- 01SEGRE.gf,1i ON FORM UL A By CATHERINE MACKIN Herald-Examiner Correspondent With Hears! Headline service WASHINGTON, July 13- Face the inevitable, obey the courts and get rid of hypocrisy-that's the basic formula followed by Atlanta, Ga., in its progressive march towards peaceful desegregation. Atlanta's mayor, Ivan Allen, has been asked to come here July 26 to t ell Congress how this sys' t ern works. So far, it's proven ver y successful, and in an interview he told why. I In less bhan two years, industrial Atlanta- with a population 40 per cent Negro- has integrated schools, public accommodations and employment with hardly a flurry of discontent. try fo clues to how it's done. "I've heard from people in towns large and small and far too numerous to mention. "They all want to know how we went about it," he said. · Stated simply, it was court orders and voluntary decision. !l"s:~·i::·;~~;:•er c't! "But , despite hese complaints, we ve manageg.. to keep the peace. The hOtel and motel ownHe spoke highly of the ers, for example, met for 15 conduct among both t.he months before they were white and Negro commumties. ready to put a plan into GREAT PATIENCE operation. The chain, variBesides responsible leadety and department stores ership shouldered bY the took only six months. among Atlanta's downto Negroes, he said t hey demtl1eater owners did awa "In Atlanta, we had the onstrated patience "because with discrimination in May, benefit of having a great they knew the effort to de1962, and a year later, ll· deal of educated people in segregate was being made." cial barriers were dropp the Negro community who in the city's fire dep have provided very effecThe white pt>~ple, partir~ ment, the last municip 1 tive and responsible leader- ~ariy th~se with borderagency t o integrate. ship," Mayor Allen said. line feelings, controlled Atlanta's Success Explained CASE OF THE POOLS "On the other hand, the Whites • n Sava nnah SAVANNAH, Ga., July 13 (UP!l- Police tlroke up a prosegregation march today of about 100 whites who were led by a former detective carrying a revolver in his belt. It was the first march of its kind in the nation's racial turmoil which has been marked mainly by demonstrat ions conduct ed by integrationlst groups. NO TROUBLE There were no incidents. The whites, some carrying 1 Confederate flags, dispersed 1 peacefully when a police cap-. tain interrupted the march. They bad walked about three . blocks. The marchers were mostly members of the "Calvacade for White Americans," a local extreme segregationist group headed by Henry Brooks a former detective. Brooks said he carried a revolver because of telephone calls he has received threatening his family and home. The march began from a park in the city's outlying area after Brooks urged about 300 whites present to form a column and proceed to the downtown area. Negroes have conducted r 1 umerous anti . seg r e g at i o n m arches here and earlier this week police used tear gas to I disperse them. , "It's a shame when white people can't do the same things Negroes have been doing," Brooks said. The group returned to the park, piled into automobiles and a pickup truck and then paraded through town with their lights on and honking t heir horns. Crowds gathercri 1 at intesections and applauded them. Pollce mAintalned a close watch on the cars. I DANVILLE, Va., July 13 1,q, picketing by Negro civ I rights demonstra tors kept harried Danville police on the run today. By early evening, 14 pickets had been arrested and jailed. j The arrests stemmed from picketing 1n two downtown departmen~ stores by smal groups of placard-carrying marchers protesting alleged them s e Ives when they discriminatory hiring polimight have spoken or cies white people were willing fough~ against integration, The courts this year he to face up to the problem, he said. The first step took place that if Atlanta's swimmi get rid of their hyprocrisy pools were to open, th in September, 1961, when, The mayor will testify Atlanta is the business and realize the Inevitable. would have to be in before the Senate Com- in accordance with a court grated. On June 12, ti center of the southeast sit· order, Atlanta desegregated merce Committee current"Both white and &Jlored uated in a metropolitan pools did so and without ly holding hearings on the schools. knew the future of the area of 1.1 million. major incident. The following month, depublic accommodations title community depended on Of its 500,000 citizens, Last J une 18, the cit s it." of President Kennedy's civil partment, variety and chain 200,000 are Negro. 18 leading motels and hostores knocked down racial rights package. Throughout the desegretels volunt arily desegre gation mo v ement, there Among the 50.000 regisMayor Allen is hesitant barriers. gated and, a short time lat- have been repeated demon- tered to vote, 45,000 ore to appear boastful in disNegro. In January, 1962, all city er, Atlanta's 2~ major res- strations, but not serious. cussing Atlanta's triumph taurants followed suit. facilities were desegregated. Atlanta has six colleges · over segregation in the ra"We just took down the 'No "There have been some and universities that have cially troubled s outh. Colored' signs," Mayor Al· The city had no mister who thought we went too been traditionally Negro But he did say he has len said. plan for desegregatio11 but fast and others who claimed and of its 6000 city em, been contacted by civic ofin each instance apwopri· we were too slow," the ployes, 32 yper cent are ficials from across the counA voluntary agreement ate committees, usually bi· mayor said. Negro. March 14 More-Danville Jail Creaks racial, were set up to guide the process. J 1-SmaJl-scale I Thus, ittle by little, leaders in tl)e civil rights protest m o v e m e n t which began May 31 approached their declared objective of filling the local jail. Today·s arrests brought to 107 the number of demonstra- tors taken into custody and placed behind bars here since Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. called on Negroes to " fill . iup the jail" last Thursday. Four of those arrested have been released on bond. Six were juveniles and were turned over to their parents. The others refused bail. � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document » Confederate flags, dispersed) i + _By CATHERINE MACKIN Herald-Examiner Gorrespondent With Hearst Headline Service WASHINGTON, July 13—Face the inevitable, obey the courts and get rid of hypocrisy—that’s the basic formula followed by Atlanta, Ga., in its progressive march towards peaceful desegregation. Atlanta’s mayor, Ivan Allen, has been asked to come here July 26 to tell Congress how this sys- tem works. So far, it's proyen very successful, and in an in- terview he told why. “In less than two years, industrial Atlanta—with a population 40 per cent Ne- gro—has integrated schools, public accommodations and employment with hardly a flurry of discontent, The mayor will testify before the Senate Com- merce Committee current- ly holding hearings on the public accommodations title of President Kennedy’s civil rights package. Mayor Allen is hesitant to appear boastful in dis- cussing Atlanta’s triumph over segregation in the ra- cially troubled South. But he did say he has try for clues to how it’s done. “I've heard from people in towns large and small and far too numerous to mention, “They all want to know how we went about it,” he said. Stated simpiy, if was court orders and voluntary decision. The first step took place in September, 1961, when, in accordance with a court order, Atlanta desegregated schools. The following month, de- partment, variety and chain stores knocked down racial barriers. In January, 1962, all city facilities were desegregated. “We just took down the ‘No Colored’ signs,” Mayor Al- Ten said. area after Brooks urged about) been contacted by civic of ficials from across the coun- — Atlanta's Success Explained among Atlanta’s downtown theater owners did away with discrimination in May, 1962, and a year later, Ya- cial barriers were dropperi in the city’s fire depart- ment, the last municipal agency to integrate, CASE OF THE POOLS) The courts this year heli that if Atlanta’s swimmi pools were to open, th would have to be ini grated. On June 12, t pools did so and without major incident. Last June 18, the citys 18 leading motels and ln: voluntarily desesre- tels gated and, a short time lat- er, Atlanta's 23 major fes- | taurants followed suit. The city had no master plan for desegregation but in each instance appropri- racial, were set up to guide the process. : The hotel and motel own- ers, for example, met for 15 months before they were ready to put a plan into operation. The chain, varl- ety and department stores took only six months. “In Atlanta, we had the benefit of having a great deal of educated people in the Negro community who have provided very. effec: tive and responsible leader- ship,” Mayor Allen said. “On the other hand, the white people were willing to face up to the problem, get rid of their hyprocrisy and realize the inevitable. “Both white and colored knew the future of the community depended on ite Throughout the desegre- gation Mevement, there have been repeated demon- strations, but not serious. “There have been some who thought we went too fast and others who claimed e were too slow,” the ayor said. “But, despite these com- plaints, we've managed, to keep the peace.” He spoke highly of the ‘conduct among both the white and Negro communi ties. GREAT PATIENCE Besidés responsible lead- ership shouldered by the Negroés, he said they dem- onstrated patience “because they knew the effort to de segregate was being made,” The white people, partic- ularly those with border- line feelings, controlled themselves when they might have spoken or fought against integration, he said. Atianta is the business center of the southeast sit- uated in a metropolitan area of 1,1 million, Of its 500,000 citizens, 200,000 are Negro. Among the 150,000 regis- tered to vote, 45,000 ore Negro. Atlanta has six colleges and universities that have been traditionally Negro and of its 6000 city em- ployes, 32 "per cent are Ae Sunday, July 14, 1963 coc ‘14 More- Danville Jail Creaks — | DANVILLE, Va., Ttily 13 1. | —Smallseale picketing by Negro: civil rights demonstra~ tors kept harried Danyille po- lice om the run today. By early evening, 14 pickets had | been arrested and jailed. The arrests stemmed from picketing in two downtown department stores by smali groups of \ placard-carrying marchers protesting allezed discriminatory hiring poli cies. “Thus, fittle by little, jead- ers in the civil rights pro- test movement which began May 31 approached their declared objective of filling the local jail. . Today's arrests brought ‘to. 107'the number of demonsfra- tors taken into custody and \placed behind bars \since Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Called on Negroes to “fill . }up the jail” last Thursday. | Wour of those arrested have |been released on bond. Six were juveniles and were here: | turned over to their parents. The others refused hail. A voluntary agreement i Whites | March in Savannah SAVANNAH, Ga., July 13) (UPI)X—Police broke up a pro- segregation march today of about 100 whites who were led by a former detective carrying | a revolver in his belt. It was the first march of its| kind in the nation’s racial| turmoil which has been| marked mainly by demonstra- tions conducted by integra: tionist groups. r NO TROUBLE There were no incidents.) The whites, some carrying, peacefully when a police cap- tain interrupted the march. They had walked about three blocks. | The marchers were mostly members of the “Calvacade for White Americans,” a local extreme segregationist ‘group headed by Henry | Brooks a former detective. | Brooks said he carried a revolver hecause of tele: phone calls he has received threatening his family and home, The march began from a) park in the city’s outlying, 800 whites present to form a) column and proceed to the downtown area. Negroes have conducted mu- merous anti - segregation marches here and earlier this week police used tear gas < disperse them. “It’s a shame when white people can’t do the same things Negroes have been doing,” Brooks said. The group returned to the) . park, piled into automobiles) and a pickup truck and then paraded through town with their lights on and honking their horns. Crowds gathered at intesections and applaud-| | ed them.. Police maintained! | a close watch on the cars. ate committees, usually bi- Negro. a  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 36 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/7a77301f9188d9a25530236afe5038b0.pdf 1f7bb637dc7189e3f3c17faa1c58bb03 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. To,_ ~M=ay'!!...:::.er~ A~l==l==e:::.n.:=------ -- OFFICE MEMORANDUM From _ _----=B:..1=:..::1=-=ll=---=H=c,..w=l=•= . : n=d- -- Date__Jdy=-=~-=1=9--L. . : --33.____ _ 1 ---=1=9:.. 6' I weuld suggest queting trem the attached edittrial trem tedat's Ceaatitutiea in ,-ur appearaace befe:re the Senate cemmittee • It gives eutside aupperl te ,-.ur aavecatien ef veluntary actien . I weui, alae auggeat queting the ~ er1g1nal declaratien ef the Cimalla Chamber ef' Oemmerce • 2 • The attached ceium. n by Mary McGrery gives seme 1na1ght inte • • et the meat ferthright ambera et tm cemmittee • Hi is a mu whe •••• � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 37 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/a79fd684d8b41b4759c83b56ae32b96a.pdf 196084b35e6e2d8c416ac262d28845a5 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. I Loi s Henne ssy S~O P i n e,, Goleta , Ca lif ~ ·' M yor Iv a n Allen City of Atlanta Atlant a ,. Georgia � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 1 Lois Henne ssy 520 Pine, Goleta, Calif Ms yor Ivan Allen City of Atlanta Atlanta, Georgia  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 38 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/45385dfe94bd905cab429afda7231e02.pdf 3e1b9716056ec1d8e2cf00122f5d8de6 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. r THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTION For 96 Years The South's Standard Newspaper 1- l, • ' ' • RALPH McGILL, Publisher Established June 16, 1868 Issued da ll y except New Year' s, July ~. La bor Day, Thanks1Uv1ng ana 1,;anstmas . Secona-ciass postage pa id at Atlanta , Georgia . The Atla nta Constitution (mornin g) , a nd The Atlanta .Journal (evening), and The Atlanta Cons titution and The ,Atlanta J ournal (Sunday), publis hed by Atlanta News)>• Pers, Inc., 10 Forsyth St., Atlanta , Georgia, · Page 4 EUGENE PATTERSON, Editor Hoqie-delivered s ubscription r a tes: Morning and Sunday. or evening and Sunday. l week. 50c. Morning or evening dail y only. l week, 30c. Morning. eve n.ins: and Sunday (1 3 issues), 1 week, 80c. Subscription prices by mail on r equest. Single copies: DailY, Sc ; Sunday, 20c, plus 3% saJes tax on sales and del iveries made within th e slate of Georgia. FRIDAY, JULY 19, 1963 r ·here Are Right and Wrong Reasons For Opposing the Civil Rights Bill Sen. Richard B . Russell's origin al op p osition to t he P resident's civil r ights bill belabor ed t he pr oposed cure--legisla tion - but ignored the ill-€xistence of Neg ro grievances. In a televi ion i nterview h e h as now , stated t hat h e is "well aware that we're , livin g in a social revolution." It seems to us this a step forward by h im toward the higher ground of recogn izing th at a p ro blem exi ts. The other half of the question still remains, h owever : What t o do about t he problem? Th e opponents of the President's bill ' in Congress w ill not have a stron g arg u' ment if-though t hey recognize exi stence of the national problem he i trying t o cope with-they avoid an y resp onsibility of th eir own for helpin g olve it. Much of t he Sou thern congressional opposition to t he bill is ba sed on ju t such an aveidance of responsibility, emptying the arguments to a large extent. The implication is th at even though a problem is conceded to exist, the Southerner in Congress is willing to block the P r esident's effort to do omething abo ut it while in turn offerin g the alternative of doing nothing about it. It i:eems to us this p os ition is 180 degr ees opposed and 100 per cent weake r than the position taken by the Boar d of the Atlanta Ch a mber of Commerce in i1s own r esolu tion opposing p assage of ~e P resident's bill. * * The Chamber opposition is b ased neith er on den ying that a problem exi ts n or upon the altern ative of doin g nothing a bout solvin g it. On . t he contrary, the Ch amber couples its opposition to the legi lation with a specific and fort hright alternative solu tion-volun tary p rogress in stead of com pelled progre s. Li ke Sen . Russell, the Chamber ~ oard fo und tl-1.e pu blic accommodations portion of the bill to be " particularly objectionable" b ecause it would b ring intru sion of futther federal reg ulation int o private property. But unli ke Sen. Rus ell, t he Chamber Boar d reiterated an alternative t o the legisla tion; it appealed " t o all businesses soliciting bu sine s from the general public to do so without regard to race, color or creed ," solving volu ntarily a p roblem w hose sol ution it does not want t o see federally com pelled. A tlanta itself is an example of a city t hat does not need the P re ident's pro posed law because it is recognizing the p roblem and solving it voluntaril y. T his, it seems t o u s, is the right reason for opposing the p ublic accommodations bill. If the Southern opposit ion to the bill in Congress would move up to this position which has already been taken at home, then i t seems to us the arguments would be geeatly strengthened, the solution of racial problems would be considerably advanced , and the dignit · and r eputation of the South would be better served. h l1 � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document For 96 Years The South’s Standard Newspaper RALPH McGILL, Publisher | THE ATLANTA M | ‘ Established June 16, 1868 my Issued daily except New Year's, July 4, Labor Day, . Vhanksgwing ana Cnrstmas. Second-class postaze paid at » So the Atlanta Constitution (morning), and Th an ons ion (morning Atlant. : Rema Gane, and eaten, Copal ‘ae lay), pu an! ews- d paver, Inc,, 10 Forsyth St., Atlanta, Georgia. ‘Page 4 a Sen. Richard B: Russell’s original op- position to the President's civil rights bill belabored the proposed cure—legislation —but ignored the ill—existence of Negro grievances, In a television interview he has now stated that he is “well aware that we're living in a social revolution.” It seems to us this'a step forward by him toward the higher ground of recognizing that a prob- lem exists. The other half of the question still | remains, however; What to do about the ‘ problem? ; The opponents of the President's bill tin Congress will not have a strong argu~ ‘ment if—though they recognize existence ‘of the national problem he is trying to ‘cope with—they avoid any responsibility 'of their own for helping solve it. REEES @|e9 1 ‘opposition to the bill is based on just such an avoidance of responsibility, emp- tying the arguments to a large extent. The implication is that eyen though a problem is conceded to exist, the South- erner in Congress is willing to block the President's effort to do something about it While in turn offering the alternative of doing nothing about it. It seems to us this position is 180 degrees opposed and 100 per cent weak- er than the position taken by the Board of the Atlanta Chamber of Commerce in ifs own resolution opposing passage of ‘e President’s bill. : Much of the Southern congressional CONSTITUTION 1 ot EUGENE PATTERSON, Editor Home-delivered subscription rates: Morning and Sun- day, or evening and Sunday, i rees 50c. Morning or eye- ning daily only, 1 week, 30e. ning, evening and Sunday US; issues), 1 week, 80c. Subeeentiet prices by mail on "Single copies: Daily, 5c; Sunday, 20c, plus 3% malts tax on sales and deliveries made within the state of Georgia. FRIDAY, JULY 19, 1963 There Are Right and Wrong Reasons ‘For Opposing the Civil Rights Bill ‘The Chamber opposition is based neither on denying that a problem exists nor upon the alternative of doing nothing about solving it. On. the contrary, the Chamber couples its opposition to the legislation with a specific and forthright alternative solution—voluntary progress instead of compelled progress. Like Sen. “Russell, the Chamber Board found the public accommodations portion of the bill to be “particularly ob- jectionable’’ because it would bring in- trusion of fur'ther federal regulation into private property. But unlike Sen. Russell, the Cham- ber Board reiterated an alternative to the legislation; it appealed “to all businesses soliciting business from the general pub- lic to do so without regard to race, color or creed,” solving voluntarily a problem whose solution it does not want to see federally compelled. Atlanta itself is an example of a city that does not need the President's pro- posed law because it is recognizing the problem and solving it voluntarily. This, it seems to us, is the right reason for op- posing the public accommodations bill, If the Southern opposition to the bill in Congress would move up to this posi- tion which has already been taken at home, then it seems to us the arguments would be greatly strengthened, the soliu- tion of racial problems would be consid- erably advanced, and the dignity and reputation of the South would be better served, Or De ad SSS ros Bo ee ain Shift ja  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 39 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/396eb4cfe534f53c0224c71dd4b23d4d.pdf ec97dff9841013bfef5ebe899eeed372 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. Can Southerne rs afford to be tight w ith their money in the face of this? Contributions for the widest possible printing and distribution of this pamphlet throughout the nation to be sent to: Mr. R. KIRK MOYER, Treasurer P. 0 . Box 5348, New Orleans 15, La. Mr. Moyer is an Insurance Executive, and Past President of the Louisiana Society of the Sons of the American Revolution. This pamphlet is published by Harry P. Gamble, Sr., Atty-at-Law-Retired-without profit to the author-to inform the people how their liberty and property are being embezzled by Washington. Not copyrighted . ••••••••••••••••••• At a recent meeting held in Los Angeles' Wrigley Field, Martin Luther King, Jr., collected 35 thousand dollars. This is to be used to create more racial strife. Hollywood Stars Donate to King Sammy Davis, Jr., donated 20 thousand dollars. Later that evening, a gathering of Beverly Hills citizens responded to an invitation sent out under the signature of California Governor Edmund Brown, gathered into the home of film star Burt Lancaster. .Guests of honor were Martin King and Ralph Abernathy. The guests were given the usual hearts and flowers sob story, etc. Then they came to the point. According to King and Abernathy, they have to have one thousand dollars a day to keep th ei r organization operating. "Who wants to pay for one day's operation?" Actor Paul N ewman and his wife, Joanne Woodward, wrote out the first check for one thousand dollars. Singer Polly Bergen with her husband, Freddie Fields, gave the next check for one thousand dollars. Anthony Franciosa, who participated in the Wrigley Field meeti ng, gave another one thousand dollars. Actor Marlon Brando, gave a check for five thousand dollars. Lloyd Bridges, TV actor .gave five hundred and Mrs. Burt Lancaster the hostess, gave one hundred. Film stars supporting the Wrigley Field meeting were, right to left, Joanne Woodward, Paul Newman, Rita Moreno and mulatto Dorothy Dandrige. � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Can Southerners afford to be tight with their money in the face of this? Contributions for the widest possible printing and distri- bution of this pamphlet throughout the nation to be sent to: Mr. R. Kirk Moyer, Treasurer P.O. Box 5348, New Orleans 15, La. Mr. Moyer is an Insurance Executive, and Past President of the Louisiana Society of the Sons of the American Revolution. This pamphlet is published by Harry P. Gamble, Sr., Atty-at-Law—Retired—without profit to the author—to inform the people how their liberty and property are being embezzled by Washington. Not copyrighted. At a recent meeting held in Los Angeles’ Wrigley Field, Martin Luther King, Jr., collected 35 thousand dollars. This is to be used to create more racial strife. Hollywood Stars Donate to King Sammy Davis, Jr., donated 20 thousand dollars. Later that evening, a gathering of Beverly Hills citizens re- sponded to an invitation sent out under the signature of California Governor Edmund Brown, gathered into the home of film star Burt Lancaster. Guests of honor were Martin King and Ralph Abernathy. The guests were given the usual hearts and flowers sob story, etc. Then they came to the point. According to King and Abernathy, they have to have one thousand dollars a day to keep their organization operating. “Who wants to pay for one day's operation?” Actor Paul Newman and his wife, Joanne Woodward, wrote out the first check for one thousand dollars. Singer Polly Bergen with her husband, Freddie Fields, gave the next check for one thousand dollars. Anthony Franciosa, who participated in the Wrigley Field meeting, gave another one thousand dollars. Actor Marlon Brando, gave a check for five thousand dollars. Lloyd Bridges, TV actor gave five hundred and Mrs. Burt Lancaster the hostess, gave one hundred. Film stars supporting the Wrigley Field meeting were, right to left, Joanne Woodward, Paul Newman, Rita Moreno and mulatto Dorothy Dandrige.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 4 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/4d644f041d8fd802c87521d90032d414.pdf 9ad4199c13aef2b48a5f70e00721c09c Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. M __,_ tt__•y____._c~ Sen. l-lart Shifts tlie Ground, Puts ~ ife Into R ights Heari·n g WASHINGTON- The Negro spiritual goes : " Everybody talkin' 'bout Heaven, Ain't going ther~Heaven." WeH, they were talking about Heaven at, of aN places, the civil rights bearing before the Senate Commerce Committee. And because one was a liberal Demorcratic senator from Michigan and the other was the segregationist go\·ernor of Alabam a they couldn't agree on whether in paradise there would be separate but equal faciliUes for the races. Gov. Wallace stmck bhe ce" I think there is one and in Heaven will be like," he said lestial chord first and later obfact I know there is one. I ber eprovingly. viously wished he hadn't. lieve be made the whole human The governor had for two days family and be loves all manThe pugnacious, pug-no ed been freely predicting what would kind, and any man who would governor had had a happy happen here if the Senate mistreat anyone on account of morning twanging out easy anpassed the civil rights bill. He his color, I feel sorry for swers to easy questions played had admonished the Defense them." ,to him lzy like-minded Sen. department to look away from Thurmond, Democrat of South Any other man would have Dixie. He had prophesied a arolina. said "amen" to that, but Sen. white uprising and the end of "Governor," asked the sena- Hart is highly unconventional the free enterprise system. tor , "Do you believe in equal and he promptly put to Wallace But Hart's shifting of the opportunity for all men, be they the most arresting question yet ground to the hereafter put him heard in the repetitious hearwhite, black or tan?" off. His code does not permit ings. "Of course I do," the govhim to speculate, as Hart in" What will Heaven be like? ernor came in. And then his vited him to do, about the eatWill it be segregated?" thoughts, you might say, soared. ing facilities in Heaven, proWallace was plainly shocked. "I am not one of these invided the human family does "I don't think that you or I, tellectuals who thinks there is eat in eternity. either one, knows exactly what no God," he said with pride. He said stiffly be thought that segregation on earth was i11 th e best interests of both races . If Hart nettled the governor witl1 his theology, he confused him with his open-mindedness. He admitted he didn't lmow sometlbing, which Wallace would never do. He said be didn't. know what a Negro parent would do if be were a member of the Armed For ces who had grown up in the North and were assigned to the South and had to explain local conditions to his children. Hart asked to be excu ed fo r fur ther civil r ights duty downstairs in the auditorium where a large crowd and the Senate J udiciary Committee, of which he is also a member, had gathered to hear the attorney general. After some inaudible exchanges about whether the Southern senators should be heard first, it was decided that Mr. Kennedy should go back to the J ustice department while the committee heard the views of Sen. Ervin, Democrat of North Carolina . Hart came through loud and clear on I.he auditorium 's chancy amplifying system. He said : "We came closer to disaster in Birmingham than in Cuba." If he keeps up the performance of the past week, Hart may prove that a man need e neither a windbag nor a demagogue to make a name for him · self in the troubled fi eld o! ci\' il r ights. � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Mary MeGrory Sen. Hart Shifts the Ground, Puts Life Into Rights Hearing ; WASHINGTON—The Negro spiritual goes: “Everybody talkin’ "bout Heaven, Ain’t going there—Heaven.”” Well, they were talking about Heaven at, of all places, the civil rights hearing before the Senate Commerce Committee. And be- cause one was a liberal Demorcratie senator from Michigan and the other was the segregationist governor of Alabama they couldn't agree on whether in paradise there would be separate but equal facilities for the races. Gov. Wallace struck the ce- lestial chord first and later ob- viously wished he hadn’t, The pugnacious, pug-nosed governor had had a happy morning twanging out easy an- swers to easy questions played to him by like-minded Sen. Thurmond, Democrat of South Carolina. “Governor,”’ asked the sena- tor, “Do you believe in equal opportunity for all men, be they white, black or tan?” “Of course I do,’ the gov- ernor came in. And then his thoughts, you might say, soared. “IT am not one of these in- tellectuals who thinks there is no God,” he said with pride. “I think there is one and in fact I know there is one. I be- lieve he made the whole human family and he loves all man- kind, and any man who would mistreat anyone on account of his color, I feel sorry for them.” Any other man would have said “amen” to that, but Sen. Hart is highly unconventional and he promptly put to Wallace the most arresting question yet heard in the repetitious hear- ings. “What will Heaven be like? Will it be segregated?” Wallace was plainly shocked. “T don’t think that you or I, either one, knows exactly what Heaven will be like,” he said reprovingly. The governor had for two days been freely predicting what would happen here if the Senate passed the civil rights bill. He had admonished the Defense department to look away from Dixie. He had prophesied a white uprising and the end of the free enterprise system. But Hart’s shifting of the ground to the hereafter put him off. His code does not permit him to speculate, as Hart in- vited him to do, about the eat- ing facilities in Heaven, pro- vided the human family does eat in eternity. He said stiffly he thought that segregation on earth was in the best interests of both races. If Hart nettled the governor with his theology, he confused him with his open-mindedness. He admitted he didn’t know something, which Wallace would never do. He said he didn’t know what a Negro parent would do if he were a mem- ber of the Armed Forces who had grown up in the North and were assigned to the South and had to explain local conditions to his. children. Hart asked to be excused for further civil rights duty down- stairs in the auditorium where a large crowd and the Senate Judiciary Committee, of which he is also a member, had gath- ered to hear the attorney gen- eral, After some inaudible ex- changes about whether the Southern senators should be heard first, it was decided that Mr. Kennedy should go back to the Justice department while the committee heard the views of Sen. Ervin, Democrat of North Carolina. Hart came through loud and clear on the auditorium’s chancy amplifying system. He said: “We came closer to dis- aster in Birmingham than in Cuba.” if he keeps up the perform- ance of the past week, Hart may prove that a man need-be neither a windbag nor _a'dema- gogue to make a namie for him- self in the trotbled field of civil vights:  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 40 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/f660c65881d3b9039ca91281913e0c2a.pdf 9f03798a09b134eeb5235c2362c748e2 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. r- (/1ue(_ e rf l ~ £ ~ ·1 963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE 18207 petition from a race whose increasing education would refute t he dogma of its Innate !nferlorlty h a ve inhibited the atta inment of justice. Impa t ience ls due in p art to the fa ct tha t some Negroes h ave att ain ed a c ollege educa tion. Thus there is n ow a n ar ticulate core to voice the lon gings of the voiceless m asses. They h a ve p erformed the s am e service for their r ace a s t h e artlcula te craftsm en p (lrformed for the peasants at the b irth of d embcr a cy in the 17th cen tury. Moreover, they have given evidence, particularly in the realm of sp orts a nd the arts , in theater a nd concert ball, a nd in the n ovel that the vicious theory of their Innate inferiority ls a NEED F OR EFFECTIVE CIVIL RIGHTS f raud. Their leaders in these fields h a ve LEGISLATION spa rked the flame of the present r evolt as Mr. H UMPHREY. Mr. P residen t, I much as the students d id with their orlgask unanimous consent th at t wo r ecent lna.l sit-Ins a t the lunch counters and t h e ir !reed.om rides. articles reportin g import ant statements on the n eed for effective civil rights Since the r ecord of the white P rotestant Ch u rch, except for a f ew h eroic s_pirts, ls legislation from outstanding church sh ameful , .one m ust record wlth gra titud e leaders be printed in the R ECORD at the that Negro ch urchlnen h a ve been consp icuconclusion of m y rem arks. The first of ous among the l ea ders of the revolt. The these articles, Mr. President, is taken Negro church in the person of Dr . Martin from the August 31, 1963, issue of t h e Luther King h as valida ted itself in the llfe of the Negroes and of the Na tion. New York Times and r eports an action The impa tience of the Negro will not subtaken by the Methodist Conference on side until the l ast vestiges of legal a nd cusuman Relations at a n ational meetin g tomary inequality h ave b een r emoved . Revof 1,100 delegates representing 10 milolutions do n ot stop h alf way. The n ext lion Methodists. That statement called step has been .outlined by the President's for Federal and State laws "that wm new legisla tive program , which ls the n a tuopen all facilities serving the general r al fruit of the lncreaslng tension of wh at public to au· persons without r egard t o he b as d efined as our "moral crises." The legisl ative progra m as proposed seeks ra ce." Equally as important it called to outlaw d lscrlinlnation 1n a ll priva te com upon all of the churches wi thin the demercial ventures on the b asis of the 14th n omination to make certain tha t n either amendment a nd the intersta te commer ce their good name nor their funds be used clause of t he Consti tution. It will not p ass in any way to permit racial discr imina without a grea t p olitica l struggle . If su ction. This is a very far -r each in g policy cessful it migh t p ut t he legisla t ive ca p s tone and one that should be both commended .on the emancipation of the rnce. But t he r e trea t ing white suprem acists are increasingand copied by others. The other article, Mr. Presiden t. taken (From Christianit y and Crisis , July 8, 1963] ly desp erate. Their murders, their p olice d ogs a n d their t error h a ve con t r ib u t ed as f rom the July 8, 1963, issue of ChrisTHE MOUNTING RACIAL CRISIS much to the m ou nting ten sion as the impa tianity and Crisis, is an excellent stateThe sim plest explanation for t he Increas- tience of the Negroes. We are, 1n short, conm ent on the importance of congressional ingly urgent d em onstrations of t he Negroes fronted with the ult imate , or a t leBBt p enulaction on civil r ights. It is t ypical of agains t disfranch isement, s egregation 1n t imate, cha p ter in the lon g h istory .of overthe growing sent iment among church- school and church , lun ch counter an d public com ing the Amerlca.n dilemma . men of all faiths. This statem ent is not c onveyance, and against every public custom Of course la ws ca nnot fina lly change t he affronts t h e dignity of the hum an b eing,' recal citrant. Their prejudices dictate cusbased upon self-interest . It is not based tlshat tha t the Negro fee ls-as we al l ought to toms tha t a re a t war with the explicit law upon group interest. It is based upon f eel-tha t a century ls a long time to wa it n ation al interest and upon moral for the ellmlnatlon of the "American dllem- of t h e land a nd t h e law t h a t Is written in to the h eart. These prej udices are, in the Ia n - . grounds. What we do h ere 1n the weeks m a." guage of St. P a ul, "an other law In m y m em Discriminations agains t a r a ce In the pres- bers warring against the l ay., .of my m i nd.' immediat ely ahead is going to be watched ent historical context a r e as .offen sive to the closely by these good people. They h ave One ca n only h ope t h a t t h e church will be chosen the standard of their measure. conscience of m a n a nd as unbea rable to t he mor e effective In restr aining and transm u t v ictims of discrimin ation as sla very was in It is not put in terms of dollar limits or i ts d ay. If we r ecogn ize tha t the present ing these vagr a n t a nd r eca lcitrant p assions the n umber of stores 1n the ch ain or the situ a tion ls mor e u n b earable to the vict ims of m a n tha n it h as b een in the p a.st. The t ype of public service. It is put in terms of injustice tha n i t ls offen s ive t o t h e con- cont r ibution of Roma n Catholicism Is a n of equal treatment of all cit izens with out science of m en , we a re confronted by the other s tory. Protes tants might begin the n ew ch a p regard to race. I hope and pray that h ardness of the human h eart, even a mon g terWe in our nat ion a l life b y contritely confeswe will h ave the good sense to write a those whose h ear ts h a ve b een s oftened by · sing t h a t evan gelical Chrlstla nlty b as failed h uma n sympa thy and the st irrings of con- to contribu te slgnlflcantj.y to the solution of bill that will meet this test. There being no objection, th e articles science. Try a s we wUl we c a nnot feel the the gra vest social Issue and evil thnt our Na t ion h as confron ted sin ce sl avery . were ordered to be printed in th e REcoRD, p a in of others a s vlvld1y a s they d o. If we should s till find it a m yst ery tha t RN . as follows : this burs t of r esentm ent h as com e in a [From t he New York Times, Aug. 31, 1963 ) p eriod in which the lee of the long Winter METHODISTS B ACK CIVIL RIGHTS P LAN-WOULD of injustice ls brea k ing-after the Sup reme ] F EASIBILITY OF ADOPTING THE BAN DISCRIMINATION B Y THOSE SERVIN G Court d ecision on segregated sch ools h as METRIC SYSTEM OF WEIG HTS PUBLIC g iven urun!stak a ble evid en ce that t h e law AND MEASURES CHICAGO, August 30 .-The Methodist Con - .of the Nation ls now unequi voca lly on the Mr. PELL. Mr. P resident, on Tuesference on H uman R elatl6ns called today for sid e of justice and durin g a n ad ministration <Federal an d State laws "th at will open all t h at h as shown m ore concern f or r a cia l day, October 8, 1963, the White House fac111tles serving t h e general p ubllc to a ll just ice than any previous one , d espite the r eleased the first r eport of t he Consumer Southern b ase of the r egnant p arty-we Advisory Council which r ecommends , persons without regard to race." Support for such a policy, a major issue in have only to consider t h a t social revolt ls n ot, wi th oth er proposals, t hat a study be pending civil r ights legislation in Congress , as Marx though t, mot ivated b y p ure despera- made by an appropriate executive dewas contained In a statement approved at a tion. I t ls m ot ivated b y both r esentments partment or agency of the desirability national meeting of 1,100 delegates repre- and h opes, particularly by h opes deferred, and p ract icability of conversion-by the which "maketh the h eart sick ." senting 10 milllon Methodists. The statement took the form of a farThe Supr eme Cou r t h ad -promised inte- United Sta tes-to the metric system . I ranging message to the denomlnation's grated sch ools "With a ll d eliberate speed ." applaud this r ecommendation of the churches that urged church units to employ Yet a d eca d e has p assed without obvious Council, for it adds substantially to the their e conomic power to aid integration and progress. The customs .of the Nation, the growing weight of opinion th at such a. advocated t h at the 135 church-related col- pride of the dominant r ace, its f ear of com- feasibility study be made. At bottom, this business Is an aitta.ck on n o less a thing than r epresen tative governm ent. This Is oo because Congress ls the only part of the Government which ls literally and p reolsely representat ive in structure a n d character. Wha t the scr eamers, therefore, are really r eaohing for , whe ther they know It or not, Is a kind of p eop le's r epub lic where p u b lic policy woul d be exclusively in the hand s of a Presid ent who, though q uite democratically a nd lawfully elected, would t h er eafter be under no r eal check at all. l eges, including m any in the South, be opened to aJ.J. r aces. In urging t h a t Meth odist schools , colleges, . llospitals and other ins t itutions b e opened to a ll r a ces, the document proposed "that the name of the church a nd 'funds from it.s budget shall be withdrawn from any institu tion pursuing a policy contrary to this r ecom m endation. The messa ge also sta t ed, " We a re prou d tha t Methodist yout h s h ave p articipated in nonviolent demonstrations in b eh alf of r a cia l j u s tice a ll over :the land. Sp okesmen expla ined that t h e suggestions are a d visory. They will b e submitted on a petition to the Methodist G eneral Conference, the top legislative b ody of the d enomin ation, which will meet in P ittsburgh n ext s pring. The message p r oposed : That "investment funds, s u ch as those of ·the boar d of pensions, b e u sed t o help a chieve Integrated coxnmun.itles." Tha t chu rch u nits develop "a progr a m of investment only with compa n ies h aving n ondiScr imlna tory p olicies" and buy goods and m ake contracts only with compa nies tha t d o n ot discr imina te in hiring. Tha t members "work towar d full integration of schools" a nd assist in voter r egistration. Tha t bishops " prep are the grounds" for assigning p astors and dis trict superintend ents without r egard to r a ce. Tha t the 1964 gen eral conference of the church take fur ther st eps to m erge t h e cen tral jurls dlctlon, wh ich ls virtua lly a ll Negro, int o the five regional jurisdiction s. " We cannot pre vent anot h er p erson from approaching t h e a lta r of God b ecau se of his r ace wi t hout being gu ilty of grievous s in ," t h e m essage d ecla r ed . The m essage was a p proved by a sh ow of h and s at the closing session of the confer ence. I 1· �CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - 18208 Since I first introduced S. 1278 on April 4, of this year , calling for such a study by the Nation al Bureau of Stand ards, I · have r eceived communications of suppor t from m a ny diverse groups and individuals--professors, professional engin eers, persons concerned with intern ational tra de, editors of m agazines, and others. In a ddition, the Depa rtments of State, Commerce, and Defense concur that such a study would be very useful. T h e Committee for the Study of t he Metric System of the American Geop hysical Union h as done notable work in this field. The committee h as polled · a n umber of professions with r egard t o a dopting the m et ric syst em , a nd h as tur ned up some rather startling figures. The average of some 19 different groups contacted , who consider such a chan ge a dvantageous to them, was a very high 94 percent. Those who felt our export tra de was suffering because, we h a ve n ot adopted the metric system, was 69 per~ cent; and those who felt such a changeover is inevitable, 70 per cent. At this point Mr. President, I should like to h ave reprinted in the RECORD two documents; one the progress report of the committee and the second, an address by the comm ittee's chairman, Mr. Floyd W. Hough enitled "Why Adopt the Metric Syst em." There being no objection, the pi·ogress r eport and address were ordered to be printed in the R E CORD, as follows: P ROGRESS REPORT OF THE COMMrrrE E FOR THE STUDY OF T H E M ETRIC S Y STEM IN THE U NITED STATES Flo:,d W. Hough, Chairman; Carl I . Aslakson, Finn E . Bronner , John G . F erris , Helmut E. Landsberg, G. Medina, John A. O'Keefe, Milton 0 . Schmidt , Lansing G . Simmons, George D. Whit more, Julius C . Speert and Thomas Dand o as alternates; and L . V. J u dson, consultant. At the May 7, 1958, business session of the American Gi!ophysical Union the Bronner r esolu t ion was passed unanimously request ing President Ewing to a ppoint a special committee of the AGU for t h e study of the metric system in the Un'1ted States. The resolution, printed in the Tra.nsa.ct ions of J une 1958 (p. 558), direoted the committee to report at the May 1959 m eetlng. Accordingly, t he P r esident a ppointed the special committee noted above. The committee 'held Its first m eeting on Octob er 29, 1958, an d h as h eld f our su bsequent plen ary sessions interspersed with a n umber of partial m eetings of working groups. Con-espondence was opened wit h / A. H . Hughes of London, deputy chairman of the metric comm1ttee of the British Associa tion for the Advancem ent of Science. The Br itish committee h as ·p arallel tnstruotlons to those of our oommlttee with the a dded fea ture of considering the conversion of their present m on etary syst em to a decimal system. Our commi t tee enter tain ed Hughes a t a lunch eon during h is visit h er e on December 28. This was f ollowed by a n interestin g session a t which t he sim ilar problems of t he t wo countries were dlscussed. Several m em bers of t h e oomm1ttee a t tended t he m etric system d iscussion at t h e December m eeting of t h e American Associa tion for the Advancement of Scien ce. The va riou s m e mbers of t h e commlt tee have m ad e Independent s tudies on the ad option of the met ric system In the United States a nd submit ted r eports on such phases as: the effect on industry, the effect on foreign trade, t h e effect on Gover nment (Including State and m unicipal) , the advanta ges a nd d isadvantages of the m etric system, t h e history of t h e m etric system In the United States a nd Its u se In foreign countries , t h e Introduction CYf the m etric system into the schools, publlclt y programs, best m eans of making t he tran sition , a nd prop er a,pproach to Congress. It was early recognized by the commit tee that an ini tial poll must b e taken to ascert ain the feeling of the scientific field on the quest ion of a change to the metric system . Accord ingly, a sub committee was ap pointed to draw up a. suttable questionna ire and a T A BLE Oh a n gc ad v antageous (question 3) Present u sa ge (question 2) - .....s. .8 .. I•• .. i i .. d z a ~ < z P ct. Pct. 89 11 92 98 100 97 98 83 .,., 0 >< z Pct. 70 68 Pct. 30 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 8 2 0 3 2 17 12 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Pct. 100 100 98 100 98 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 92 100 100 9li . Ii 99 119 88 66 00 78 77 62 46 100 100 100 100 100 75 63 00 75 100 100 32 44 00 22 23 38 54 0 0 0 0 0 25 38 50 25 0 0 31 ~ !l -- .!3 .,., >< 00 63 - 70 .!3 ru 13' ! 0 z Pct. Pct. Pct. 59 63 o/ 44 63 o/ 39 71 29 67 67 33 36 16 85 52 62 38 60 31 69 52 36 04 60 100 0 00 03 7 22 13 88 31 'n 73 00 100 0 40 75 25 6~ 67 33 67 33 67 31 23 77 46 60 40 411 .. .. .!3 38 gJ >< 0 z j 1 Physics 2 Chemistry 3 M athematics 4 C lvll engloeerlng 5 Electr ical englnL-crlng 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Mechanical englneerlng Geology Aerod ynamics Medical Pharmacology R esearch scientist M etallurgy --30 00 <I ,g t' j -g ,. ., oO p., .. .. I., ! aw ~ t' a 'O .!:l , 'O f"1 .!3 13' I> 0 0 ,oj -- - - - - - - -- - - --- 6 94 00 18 B iology 14 Pbotogrammel ry 16 16 17 18 .; - Pct. P ct. Pd. Pd. Pct. P ct. P ct. P d . Pct. 87 19 16 99 13 00 30 35 97 91 18 92 9 00 08 92 48 25 3 97 07 39 97 08 09 4.3 98 4,1 11 100 0 100 100 44 100 00 61 6 94 37 15 14 63 34 99 92 42 13 08 94 00 37 100 8 91 23 100 9 97 29 09 40 100 100 41 4 00 00 4l 15 03 100 100 0 100 100 17 17 00 67 100 100 0 100 93 59 05 16 20 100 11 17 89 0 100 100 50 22 100 69 40 10 17 85 0 100 33 100 100 67 17 17 100 0 100 100 00 18 80 0 100 100 28 03 53 100 92 00 32 4 00 24 16 96 28 100 100 11 44 11 0 100 100 33 100 0 100 100 16 58 20 100 06 91 91 80 91 46 06 16 20 33 0 100 100 39 100 100 Oil 14 89 l K cy to prolesslons. o Others (locludlng not ldentlfied ) Sponsorship (qu estion 9) Geography M eteorology T eacblug Oceanography 39 - - -- 14.- -12 85 98 � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 1963 At bottom, this business is an attack on no less a thing than representative govern- ment. This ls s0 because Congress is the only part of the Government which is Lit- erally and prectely representative in struc- ture and characte: What the perectiers; therefore, are really reaching for, whether they know it or not, is a kind of people's republic where public policy would be exclusively in the hands of & President who, though quite democrati- cally and lawfully elected, would thereafter be under no real check at all. NEED FOR EFFECTIVE CIVIL RIGHTS LEGISLATION Mr. HUMPHREY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that two recent articles reporting important statements on the need for effective civil rights legislation from outstanding church leaders be printed in the Recorp at the conclusion of my remarks. The first of these articles, Mr. President, is taken from the August 31, 1963, issue of the New York Times and reports an action taken by the Methodist Conference on Human Relations at a national meeting of 1,100 delegates representing 10 mil- lion Methodists. That statement called for Federal and State laws “that will open all facilities serving the general publie to all persons without regard to race.” Equally as important it called upon all of the churches within the de- nomination to make certain that neither their good name nor their funds be used in any way to permit racial discrimina- tion. This is a very far-reaching policy and one that should be both commended and-copied by others. The other article, Mr. President, taken from the July 8, 1963, issue of Chris- tianity and Crisis, is an excellent state- ment on the importance of congressional action on civil rights. It is typical of the growing sentiment among church- men of all faiths. This statement is not based upon self-interest. It is not based upon group interest. It is based upon national interest and upon moral grounds. What we do here in the weeks immediately ahead is going to be watched closely by these good people. They have chosen the standard of their measure. it is not put in terms of dollar limits or the number of stores in the chain or the type of public service. It is put in terms of equal treatment of all citizens without regard to race. I hope and pray that we will have the good sense to write a bill that will meet this test. There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in the REcorn, as follows: [From the New York Times, Aug. $1, 1963] MerrHopists Back Crvin Ricuts PLAN—WovuLp Ban DISCRIMINATION BY THOSE SERVING Pusiic Cuicaco, August 30.—The Methodist Con- ference on Human Relations called today for Federal and State laws “that will open all facilities serying the general public to. all persons without regard to race.” Support for such a policy, a major issue in pending civil rights legislation In Congress, Was contained In a statement approved at a national meeting of 1,100 delegates repre- senting 10 million Methodists, The statement took the form of a far- ranging message to the denormination’s churches that urged church units to employ thelr economic power to aid integration and advocated that the 185 church-related col- Lok CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE leges, including many in the South, be opened to all races. In urging that Methodist schools, colleges, hospitals and other institutions be opened to all races, the document proposed “that the name of the church and funds from its budget shall be withdrawn from any institu- tion pursuing a policy contrary to this recommendation.” The message also stated, “We are proud that Methodist youths have participated in nonviolent demonstrations in behalf of racial justice all over the land.” Spokesmen explained that the suggestions are advisory. They will be submitted on a petition to the Methodist General Confer- ence, the top legislative body of the denomi- nation, which will meet in Pittsburgh next spring. The message proposed: That “investment funds, such as those of the board of pensions, be used to help achieve integrated communities.” That church units develop “a program of investment only with companies having non- discriminatory policies” and buy goods and make contracts only with companies that do not discriminate in hiring. That members “work toward full integra- tion of schools” and assist in voter registra- tion. That bishops “prepare the grounds” for assigning pastors and district superintend- ents without regard to race. That the 1964 general conference of the church take further steps to merge the cen- tral jurisdiction, which 1s virtually all Negro, into the five regional jurisdictions. “We cannot prevent another person from approaching the altar of God because of his race without being guilty of grievous sin,” the message declared. The message was approved by a show of hands at the closing session of the confer- ence. [From Christianity and Crisis, July 8, 1963] THE MOUNTING RACIAL CRISIS The simplest explanation for the increas- ingly urgent demonstrations of the Negroes against disfranchisement, segregation in school and church, lunch counter and public conveyance, and against every public custom, that affronts the dignity of the human being, is that the Negro feels—as we all ought to feel—that a century is a long time to wait for the elimination of the “American dilem- ma.”" Discriminations against a race in the pres- ent historical context are as offensive to the conscience of man and as unbearable to the victims of discrimination as slavery was in its day. If we recognize that the present situation is more unbearable to the victims of injustice than it is offensive to the con- sclence of men, we are confronted by the hardness of the human heart, even among those whose hearts have been softened by human sympathy and the stirrings of con- science. Try as we will we cannot feel the pain of others as vividly as they do. If we should still find {t a mystery that this burst of resentment has come in a period in which the ice of the long winter of injustice is breaking—aiter the Supreme Court decision on segregated schools has given unmistakable evidence that the law of the Nation is now unequivocally on the side of justice and during an administration that has shown more concern for racial justice than any previous one, despite the Southern base of the regnant party—we have only to consider that social revolt is not, as Marx thought, motivated by pure despera- tion. It is motivated by both resentments and hopes, particularly by hopes deferred, which “maketh the heart sick.” The Supreme Court had promised inte- grated schools “with all deliberate speed.” Yet a decade has passed without obvious progress. The customs of the Nation, the pride of the dominant race, its fear of com- hehkee ie ‘3 Se 18207 petition from a race whose increasing edu- cation would refute the dogma of its innate inferiority have inhibited the attainment of justice. Impatience is due in part to the fact that some Negroes have attained a college educa- tion. Thus there is now an articulate core to voice the longings of the voiceless masses. They have performed the same serv- ice for their race as the articulate crafts- men performed for the peasants at the birth of democracy in the 17th century. Moreover, they have given evidence, particularly in the realm of sports and the arts, in theater and concert hall, and in the novel that the yvi- cious theory of their innate inferiority is a fraud. Their leaders in these fields have sparked the flame of the present revolt as much as the students did with their orig- inal sit-ins at the lunch counters and their freedom rides. Since the record of the white Protestant Church, except for a few heroic spirts, is shameful, one must record with gratitude that Negro churchmen have been conspicu- ous among the leaders of the revolt. The Negro church in the person of Dr. Martin Luther Eing has validated itself in the life of the Negroes and of the Nation. The impatience of the Negro will not sub- side until the last vestiges of legal and cus- tomary inequality have been removed. Rev- olutions do not stop half way. The next step has been outlined by the President's new legislative program, which is the natu- ral fruit of the increasing tension of what he has defined as our “moral crises." The legislative program as proposed seeks to outlaw discrimination in all private com- mercial ventures on the basis of the 14th amendment and the interstate commerce clause of the Constitution. It will not pass without a great political struggle. If suc- cessful it might put the legislative capstone on the emancipation of the race. But the retreating white supremacists are increasing- ly desperate. Their murders, their police dogs and their terror have contributed as much to the mounting tension as the impa- tlence of the Negroes. We are, in short, con- fronted with the ultimate, or at least penul- timate, chapter in the long history of over- coming the American dilemma. Of course laws cannot finally change the recalcitrant, Their prejudices dictate cus- toms that are at war with the explicit law of the land and the law that is written into the heart. These prejudices are, in the lan guage of St. Paul, “another law in my mem- bers warring against the law of my mind. One can only hope that the church will be more effective in restraining and transmut- ing these vagrant and recalcitrant passions of man than it has been in the past. The contribution of Roman Catholicism is an- other story. We Protestants might begin the new chap- ter in our national life by contritely confes- sing that evangelical Christianity has falled to contribute significantly to the solution of the gravest social issue and evil that our Nation has confronted since slavery. RN, FEASIBILITY OF ADOPTING THE METRIC SYSTEM OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES Mr. PELL, Mr. President, on Tues- day, October 8, 1963, the White House released the first report of the Consumer Advisory Council which recommends, with other proposals, that a study be made by an appropriate executive de- partment or agency of the desirability and practicability of conversion—by the United States—to the metrie system, T applaud this recommendation of the Council, for it adds substantially to the growing weight of opinion that such a feasibility study be made.  Since I first introduced S. 1278 on April 4, of this year, calling for such a study by the National Bureau of Stand- ards, I-have received ¢ ns support from many diverse groups, individuals—professors, il gineers, persons national trade, e others. In addi State, Cc r Be reiee thie nadia hovers useful The SL ae recta ek Metric System of the this field. The different g ye 5 ae oonsideriaucnts charee dva is to them, was a very high Bi percent Those who felt our export suffering we have not Ties iclne Ao cpleosion theo S report and address were Grderadito be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Procress RePorT oF THE COMMITTEE FOR THE SrupY oF THE Merric SYSTEM IN THE UNITED STATES Floyd W. Hough, Chairman; Carl I. Aslak- son, Finn E. Bronner, John G. Ferris, Helmut gress. E. Landsberg, G. Medina, John A. O'Keefe, It was early recognized by the committee 1 7 i that an initial poll must be taken to ascer- " i : ‘ | tain the feeling of the scientific field on the Thomas Dando as alternates; and L. V. Jud- question of a change to the metric system. shows) by 1 " son, consultant. Accordingly, a subcommittee was appointed wmns and the various professions by number At the May 7, 1958, business session of the to draw up a suitable questionnaire and a at the left. * TABLE coaee oe of questionnaire Change odvan- Period for | eee | Export trade now | 1 r Cost et radon (question4)| (question 5) (question 6) “rable Gaus nibitive itive (ques ee pee ee 8| Bessessnessssecsased | Answering Average Other No Yes Profession 1 Number answering Answering | Professional | soclety y coRS RR ooccok SENSEESF $| S28S2SSSseseSazsesqn | Answering 8| SSS35SE22Seanecseeee | aan S| BS8Seho48 BucSSBaQuean a SwkRSE..Beg ae a Ssee3 a = Sinema steno 3| senesusageeesens KWOuUowWe hanes ssnsnesexrgass | Education ewe g| S28SeSSeseseeeezesed SESSSESSESeE ene | Anverme 3 ssgassssSsesusgeae | Ye eSSeeseseceeeasees | Ye wl aes St ss S85 S38 5 oeeuaucedexscunewess Metric =| s2exangexesageuaeees | British a Be ees ee ee ; 8 eNeveusussusysesuens S ee etee Go eee No g| BSeSSSSSESSSSseSe5S8 | Answerine 3| sasgessepssesesaenes | Answering 2| SesseSSSSsSeceesqend g| ekerevaseensveseeess =| @eeneetscsenuantaxce | Industry 2| seuepeseewenseeseued | Government BS Soronwmoo | 322833=223s 5 £ 3 8 2 1 Key to professions: Others (including not identified) Physics 3 eograp! Meteorology ‘Teaching Oceanography Civil engineering Electrical cnpiieerihy HeSon ys ae  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 41 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/f9a000dd78978a59d6a8dfc7a437fb68.pdf eec58daf9eb64552b92db5446032b417 Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. with ratton l cours , With mut u al tru s and, t herefore, with joy and gratefulness f or the gift of llfe....- /1.tWA J.5 ,{,~ "',i,;ii IADMINISTRATION'S CIVIL RIGHTS BILL Mr. TALMADGE. Mr. President, never before in the history of the United States--indeed , not in th e history of any free and civilized people-has such vicious legislation been proposed as that part of the administration's so-called .,__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ civil rights bill which would enable tt Federal Gover nment to excommunica sov n Stat es, to in effect, bani them from the Union. RESSIONAL RECORD - SENA" • I refer to title VI of the VU rights cancer, and mental health could suddenly bill now peDd!nS before this body, s. be cut off. The ultimate effect of this iniquitous 1731, wht reads In part as follows : Notwl.thstandinit anv l;)MTUiOD to the con- proposal would be to destroy our repubtrary In any law of the Unlt ed State. pro- lican form of government. Power to expend the funds it approprividing or authorizing direct or Indirect 11.n anclal !1861stance f or or In connect ion with ated would be wrested from the Congress any program or activity by way o! grant, and handed over to the Executive. ontract, loan, insurance, guaranty, or otherSovereign States would have to toe the wise, no such law shall be Interpreted as re- administration line. quiring that such financial assistan ce shall I submit, Mr. President, that title VI e f urnished In circumst ances under which Individuals participatin g ln or b enefiting is totally unjustified and unwise, as the resident himself said last April, when f rom the program or activity are discriminated a gainst on the ground of r ace, color, the Civil Rights Commission suggested religion, or n ational origin or are denied par- that Federal funds be denied Mississippi. t icipation or benefits therein on the ground He said: of race, color, religion, or national origin. I don't h a ve an y p ower to cut off the a id in the way proposed by the Civil Rights comUnder this provision. Mr. President, mission, a nd I would think that It would the executive branch of our Government proba bly be unwise to give the..Presldent of would be given carte blanche authority the Unit ed States tha t kl.nd of power. to withhold Federal funds paid to the I favor the full enjoyment of every States in grants-in-aid programs or to cancel F ederal financial participation in American citizen of all-righ t s guaranteed contracts, loans, insurance, and guaran- him by the Constitution. I know of no one who has claimed a deprivation of t ees. Without any notice, without any hear- rights who has gone to court under existing, without a judicial proceeding of any ing statutes and has not had his rights kind, and without any appeal or other granted him In full. But I do not believe that a certain privsafeguard against abuse, entire States could be starved out of the Federal ileged group should be granted special rights and benefits to the extent that the Treasury. By alleging discrimination In connec- rights of others are lost. And, it is my opinion, Mr. President, tion with any Federal aid program, the Executive would have unrestrained con-· that a majority of the citizens of the trol over the expenditure of funds appro- United States share this view. priated by the Congress for direct or Indirect assistance to the States. No court test to determine whether GOVERNMENT LOSSES OF AGRICULTURAL COMMODITIES-REdiscrimination was actually being pracFINED SALAD OIL t iced would be required. This proposal is so broad that whole Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr. States could be punished for voting · President, on July 16, 1963, I called the wrong, if disc1imlnation were alleged as attention of the Senate to the fact that under Public Law '480 our Government an excuse. Title VI is aimed of course at the h ad entered into a barter agreement with States of the South. in a brazen attempt Austria for the disposal of 40 million to legislate social reform and to black- bushels of feed grains but that out of mail law-abiding citizens to go against this 40 million bushels only approxii that which they believe to be in the best · mately 16 million bushels ever anived 17 interests of everyone. Austria, and the other 24 million bush/ However, I would emphasize that no were diverted while en route, destinatJ State in the Union would be secure unknown. against the wrath, whims or caprices of Just how our Government could a Federal bureaucrat armed with the un- track of 24 million bushels of grain limited power of title VI. .A 3-year period without someone kl A person of oriental or Mexican de- Ing it, is as yet unexplained. scent, for example, could apply for a bank To determine who, if anyone, • loan in California or a highway job in Arizona, and be refused as a poor credit our Government officials or the ex, may have been a part of the co, risk or as not competent for the job. On the basis of a claim of discrimina- to arrange this illegal transacV tion, a Federal official could cause the traduced Sena te Resolution 17 / cancellat ion of all FDIC insurance on all pose of which was to cond California banks or the loss of all Fed- scale investigation of all eral high way funds for th e entire State under Public Law 480. The Government of / of Arizona. By the same token, the citizens of already indicted seven pJ whole States receiving welfare benefits viduals for their part in t could be denied their old-age assistance version of 24 million bush did not see how this fl' or aid to the disabled. Needy children could be deprived of been perpetrated with food they now r eceive under the school this side of the Atla thus far the Senate AJ lunch program. Civil defense programs, so vital to the tee has not seen fit w security of our country, could be halted lution authorizing th Today t wish to in States which lost the favor of some ample of a loose tral Federal bureaucrat. States could be denied Federal aid In digposal of a gric hospital construction; funds for research This transaction lik in such critical areas as heart disease, questions as to the p , 1 � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document ‘arpe+ ‘When With rational discourse, with mutual trust, rs, oF and, therefore, with joy and gratefulness for. This ig the gift of life & and ny <b L s and THE /ADMINISTRATION'S CIVIL npels RIGHTS BILL ssive ir, TALMADGE. Mr. President, never _ omi- before in the history of the United nat States—indeed, not in the history of any — iaily free and civilized people—has such vi- The ious legislation been proposed as that part of the administration’s so-called wt; civil rights bill which would enable tk na Federal Government to excommunica will sovereign. States, to in effect, bani me’ them from the Union. e 1731, which reads in part as follows: , Notwithstanding any provision to the con- / ftrary in any law of the United States pro- } viding or authorizing direct or indirect &- }mancial assistance for or in connection with Samy program or. activity by way of grant, \contract, loan, insurance, guaranty, or other- lwise, no such law shall be interpreted as re- (quiring that such financial assistance shall ibe furnished in clroumstances under which (individuals participating in or benefiting from the program or activity are discrimi- { nated against on the ground of race, color, religion, or national origin or are denied par- eros a or benefits therein on the ground of race, color, religion, or national origin. Under this provision, Mr. President, the executive branch of our Government would be given carte blanche authority to withhold Federal funds paid to the States in grants-in-aid programs or to cancel Federal financial participation in contracts, loans, insurance, and guaran- tees. Without any notice, without any hear- ing, without a judicial proceeding of any kind, and without any appeal or other safeguard against abuse, entire States could be starved out of the Federal Treasury. By alleging discrimination in connec- tion with any Federal aid program, the Executive would have unrestrained con- trol over the expenditure of funds appro- priated by the Congress for direct or in- direct assistance to the States. No court test to determine whether discrimination was actually being prac- ticed would be required. This proposal is so broad that whole States could be punished for voting wrong, if discrimination were alleged as an excuse. Title VI is aimed of course at the States of the South, in a brazen attempt to legislate social reform and to black- mail law-abiding citizens to go against that which they believe to be in the best interests of everyone. ~ However, I would emphasize that no State in the Union would be secure against the wrath, whims or caprices of a Federal bureaucrat armed with the un- limited power of title VL A person of oriental or Mexican de- scent, for example, could apply for a bank loan in California or a highway job in Arizona, and be refused as a poor credit risk or as not competent for the job. On the basis of a claim of discrimina- tion, a Federal official could cause the ‘cancellation of all FDIC insurance on all California banks or the loss of all Fed- eral highway funds for the entire State of Arizona. . By the same token, the citizens of whole States receiving welfare benefits could be denied their old-age assistance or aid to the disabled. Needy children could be deprived of food they now receive under the school lunch program. Civil defense programs, so vital to the security of our country, could be halted in States which lost the favor of some Federal bureaucrat. States could be denied Federal aid in hospital construction; funds for research in such critical areas as heart disease, ‘President, on July 16, 1963, I called the 3RESSIONAL RECORD — SENA* cancer, and mental health could suddenly be cut off. The ultimate effect of this iniquitous proposal would be to destroy our repub- lican form of government. Power to expend the funds it appropri- ated would be wrested from the Congress and handed over to the Executive. Sovereign States would have to toe the administration line. I submit, Mr. President, that title VI is totally unjustified and unwise, as the esident himself said last April, when the Civil Rights Commission suggested that Federal funds be denied Mississippi. He said: I don't have any power to cut off the aid in the way proposed by the Civil Rights Com- mission, and I would think that it would probably be unwise to give the President of the United States that kind of power. I favor the full enjoyment of every American citizen of all-rights guaranteed him by the Constitution, I know of no one who has claimed a deprivation of rights who has gone to court under exist- ing statutes and has not had his rights granted him in full. But I do not believe that a certain priv- ileged group should be granted special rights and benefits to the extent that the rights of others are lost. And, it is my opinion, Mr. President, that a majority of the citizens of the United States share this view. a tL a ~ aie em - Lt te Pe GOVERNMENT LOSSES OF AGRI- CULTURAL COMMODITIES—RE- FINED SALAD OTL Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr. 9 tea eine attention of the Senate to the fact that under Public Law 480 our Government had entered into a barter agreement with Austria for the disposal of 40 million bushels of feed grains but that out of this 40 million bushels only approxi -mately 16 million bushels ever arrived i Austria, and the other 24 million bushe were diverted while en route, destinati unknown. Just how our Government could ° track of 24 million bushels of grain a 3-year period without someone k’ ing it, is as yet unexplained. To determine who, if anyone, s our Government officials or the ex’ may have been a part of the co’ to arrange this illegal transact’ troduced Senate Resolution 171 pose of which was to conduv scale investigation of all t under Public Law 480. The Government of / already indicted seven A’ viduals for their part in t¥ version of 24 million bush did not see how this fr: been perpetrated withou this side of the Atlar thus far the Senate A; tee has not seen fit tc lution authorizing thi Today I wish to ¢ ample of a loose tra disposal of agricul This transaction lil questions as to the pr  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 42 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/92247a5d665e0f3ab58d8ccb80965a3d.pdf bc9f24f900938a0ccc588f6ff5cacccb Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. GRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX his efforts t.o strengthen and stabilize · t he government. The basic objectives of Indonesia's domest ic policy are to mold the Indonesian people into a great nation, to develop the country's resources, and to improve the living conditions by giving the Indonesian people a greater share· in t he benefits of an expanding economy. h Indonesia's potential for economic developmen t is great. There are large areas of land that have not yet been developed agriculturally, and the islands a re rich in untapped mineral r esources such as petroleum, tin, and bauxite. An 8-year plan for economic growth was launched in J anuary 1961 as a blueprint for Indonesian development. · The Unit ed States has had an interest in Indonesia from the very outset. The United States played an important role 1n helping Indonesia negotiate its freedom from Dutch rule, and it has continued to encourage the development of n a stable and democratic country. The a American foreign aid program h as f helped t.o strengthen .t he Indonesian e economy and to improve the living conditions of its people. The two countries f have established a long record of coopera tion and friendship. On the occasion of the 18th anniversary of Indonesian independence, the United States takes t he opportunity to express its desire to maintain close and cordial r elations with Indonesia on a basis of mutual respect. r. Civil Rights Resolutions EXTENSION OF REMARKS OP HON. ROBERT DOLE OP KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF R EPRESENTATIVES Thur sday, August 15, 1963 Mr. DOLE. Mr. Speaker, I am certain the "Resolutions Adopted by the House of Bishops, P r otestant Episcopal Church , T oronto, Ontario, August 12, 1963," will e be of interest t.o Members. These imti portant r esolutions were brought to my attention by the Rev. William E. Craig, direct.or, St. Francis Boys' Home, Salina a nd Ellswor th, Kans., who is sincerely concerned with the rights and needs of a all minority groups. ' t ~ , t .Resolved, That t he House of Bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church urges the Congress of t h e United States t o pass such civil rights legislation as sh all fairly and effectively implem ent both the established rlght.s and the n eeds of all minority groups in ed1,1cation, voting r ight.a. h ousin g, em ployment opportunities, and access to places of public accommodation. .Resolved, That the Hou se of Bishops of the Protestant E piscopal Chu rch, mindful of the Church Assembly to be held in Washington, D.C., on August 28, 1963, in coop eration with the March on Washington for J obs and Freedom, (a) recognizes not only the right of free citizens t o peacefu l assemblage for the redress of grievan ces, but also t h at participation in such an assemblnge is a proper expression of Christian Witness and obedience; . (b) welcomes the responsible discipleship which imp els many of our bishops, clergy, and laity to take part in such ·! 9 I · d iy n A5219 an assem blage and supports them !Ully; (c ) prays that t hrough iiuch ~ aceful assemb lage citizens of all races may bring b efore t h e Government for appropria te and competent action the critica l and agonizing problems posed to our Na tion b y r acial d iscrimination 1n employment, in access to places of public accom modation , In politica l righ ts, in education, an d housing . .Resolved, That t h e House of Bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church commends to all p eople t he Presiding Bishop's letter d ated Whitsunday 1963, as appr opr iate and h elpf ul 1n t h e present r acial crisis; a nd that we su pport the Presiding Bishop In t h is wise and timely expr ession of Christian lead ersh ip. Call to Political Duty EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. FRED SCHWENGEL O F IOWA I N THE HOUSE OF R EPRESENTATIVES Thur sday, Au gust 15, 1963 Mr. SCHWENGEL. Mr. Speaker, in his keynote speech t.o the workshop meeting of the Republican Citizens Committee not long ago Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower called strongly upon "political amateurs" to participate in politics. This call is well worth remembering and pondering for the vast majority of cit izens who find it so much easier t.o sit back and do nothing and then complain because they are not governed as they would like t.o be. History plainly indicates that democracies remain strong only so long as their citizens remain actively interested in their governments. Therefore, I call the attention of every citizen t o former President Eisenhower 's r emarks in the article from the Saturday Evening Post of August 10, 1963, which follows below : / A C ALL T O POLITICAL DUTY After a n illustrious career in pu b lic service, no one would criticize Gen. Dwigh t D. Eisenhower if h e decided to take it easy in h is r etirem ent. But t h e former President seems to b e going stron ger than ever. Recen t ly he has shown a zest for close political com b a t unlike a nything that he sh owed during h is "active" career. Not Jong a go a grou p of distinguished Republicans from all sections of t he country gathered a t Hershey, P a., :for a worksh op meeting of the Repu blican Citizens Commit tee. General Eisenhower delivered the keynote speech. He let the New Frontier h ave It. Duty "requires t h at we call the roll, clear and loud on the opposit ion's record. he said , "the sorry record that stands n aked to beh old, when the cunningly manipula ted ven eer of imagery 1s peeled off . • • • For t he sake of its fu t ure , the American elect ora te • • • sh ould become fully aware of the polltical connivance t h at is a way of political life f or t hose who avidly seek power at any cost--and h aving won it, r each out for more and more." The m ain thrust of General Eisenhower's sp eech was a call for m assive p articipation by Republican-oriented citizens in the camp aign of 1964. "I h ope t his town m eeting is the forerunner of many, m any more across the cou ntry by different citizens' groups, all of wh ich make t h eir contribution toward the growth of R ep u blican ism ," he said . " Poli tical •amateurs,' " he added , " bring verse , sparkle and fresh ideas which p erk up a �CON GRESSIONAL RECORD - APPEND]j A 5220 political p arty the way a well-_a dvertlsed medicine d oes tired b lood. Many of today's fl.nest p ublic officials and party organization lead ers were yester day's 'political amateurs.' ~ The gen er al speaks from experience. "Dedicat ed nonprofessionals," he said, " were to a considerable extent responsible for my decision in 1952 to enter the political arena." We h eartily endor se Genera l Eisenhower's call for massive Republican citizen participation in the coming campaign. The socalled amateurs can give the party somet h ing that the tired. p arty pros seem unable to supply-a renewed energy and a h efty injection of Idealism. Perhaps the "a m a teurs" will even uncover a Republican can didate who will give J ack K ennedy a run for his money in 1964. Trotters Shoals EXTENSION OF REMARKS ma.nent Jobs. The plant will purchase $9 million worth of pulpwood a year which wm create another 1,850 jobs. The plant will pay $3.8 million a year 1n local, State and Federal taxes (not counting the taxes which the new workers will p ay.) 2 . Duke Power Co. will employ 1,000 workers in the con struction o! an electric steamplant a t t h e site which will create 135 p erma nent jobs. The fiteamplant (which wm genera te 24 times as much electricity as the Federal da m) will purchase $25 million worth of coal a year which win create more new jobs in the m ining ind\J-5try. The investorowned steamplant will pay $13 million a year in local, State, and Federa l taxes. As a matter of "heart," which would do more for the m ost people, t h e Federal Government or private enterprise ?- Mr. DORN'._ Mr. Speaker , th e textile industry is the leading industry in the Carolinas IJJld Georgia. This great industry, the very backbone of our econ omy, must never become dependen t upon the Federal Government for its power. Another Federal Government dam a t Trotter Shoals on the Savannah River would give the Federal Government a complete monopoly over that great river. If the Federal Governmen t controls power and water, it will control people and t heir employment. The following editorial. is from t he August 3, 1963 issue of South ern Textile News : PRIVATE VERSUS SOCIALIZED POWER With the textile Industry's vital interest in taxes and electrical power, clooe watch should be k ept on proposals for Uncle Sam t o construct the Trotter Shoals Dam on t he Savannah River in South Carolina r ather than for private enterprise. This is not of Interest just to South Carolin la.ns, but has far-sweeping interests to all taxpayers. The pseudoUberals, whatever par ty label they wear, like to call themselves "The party with a heart," or "The party of the people." This infers that conservatives a re heartless and unconcerned with people. But close exam1na~ton of the d octrine and programs of the· liberals often discloses that, either their heart is blind or they are more interested in power than people. This is illustrated In the Trotter Shoals project. As a matter of heart, the liberals argue that all of the natural resources of the Nation "belong to all the people." This is the argument they use to ju&tlfy Federal construction of hydroelectric dams, notwithstanding the fact that Federal electricity Is sold at cutrate prices to only a f avored few of the people. Speclfically, this is the argument behind Interior Secretary Udall's demand that Uncle Sam, rather than private enterprise, construct the $78.7 million Trotter Shoals Dam, a project which would remove 22,000 acres of land from State and locnl tax rolls. Would Federal construction of this dam help "all the people?" Here 1s what Is ln store for this area. (and other areas in time) if the Government does not build the dam: 1. The Mend Corp. will employ 1,400 workers in the construction of a $40 million plant at the site which will create 650 per- Fe non n at i Al ! or sion PreE dlfflc Geri U! aggr NA'l wou 'll'l.aD American People? EXTENSION OF REMARKS !nfd Is Pres.ident Kennedy Afraid '.fo Trust the OF OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, August 15, 1963 Gen the a Cc trie1 r eco L~ vidu arra sign Gen OF HON. W. J. BRYAN DORN mil! HON. BRUCE ALGER Nj K en Mosl Tl OF TEXAS proo IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES W ednesday, August 14, 1963" WOU Mr. ALGER. Mr. Speaker, why does Presiden t Kennedy refuse to trust the American people ? Why does be enter into secret negotiations with Khrushchev? What has he promised Khrushchev? Who is calling the shots, our President or th e Soviet dictator ? It is time the American people know Just wha t President Kennedy has in mind for t hem and wh at kind of country b e intends to'leave for our children. The r eports of secret agreements reached with Khrushchev should fill us with fearful foreboding. It seems to me Congr ess should dem and a full explan ation to the questions r aised in the following article from the Washington World of August 19, written by Robert S. Allen and Paul Scott. Even Averell Har riman , famous for his negotiations with the R ussians, says our goals and theirs ate absolutely irreconcilable. Therefore, any agreements acceptable to Khrushchev must be against the best interest of the United States. The ar ticle follows : KENNEDY AND KHRUSHCHEv MUCH CLOSER ON AGREEMENT THAN STATEMENTS INDICATE (By Robert S. Allen and Pau l Scott) President Kennedy and Premier Khrushchev are much closer to a step-by-step agreement on a nonagresslon p act between the West and· the Soviet block than their public statements Indicate. In fact, they already have reached an u nderstanding in their exchange of letters on a plan for a piecemeal approach to cope with the opposition of West Germany and France. SCHEDULE OF this Rj posE men andi cont incl) ~on sign I SPtl ma1 leai edi1 by] AUi I sorn ato1 d en ficll triri TALKS Under this Kennedy-Khrushchev strategy, the following "escalator procedure" will be pursued In the "second round" of negotiations underway in Moscow: Exchange of military missions between the North Atlantic Treaty Orgnnizatlon and the Warsaw Pact, the Iron Curtain military alliance. Resumption of discussions on the security of West Berlin and !ts access routes. A joint declaration to be signed by the 193 tric va � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document NGRESSIONAL RECORD — APPENDIX e Tr E o = ‘e ames TO Re TRE rears. aor ed Tp a bo ack cr eg a TT rae his efforts to strengthen and stabilize the government. The basic objectives of Indonesia's domestic policy are to mold the Indo- nesian people into a great nation, to develop the country’s resources, and to improve the living conditions by giving the Indonesian people a greater share in the benefits of an expanding economy. Indonesia’s potential for economic de- velopment is great. There are large areas of land that have not yet been de- veloped agriculturally, and the islands are rich in untapped mineral resources such as petroleum, tin, and bauxite. An 8-year plan for economic growth was launched in January 1961 as a blueprint for Indonesian development. The United States has had an interest in Indonesia from the very outset. The United States played an important role in helping Indonesia negotiate its free- dom from Dutch rule, and it has con- tinued to encourage the development of a stable and democratic country. The American foreign aid program has helped to strengthen the Indonesian economy and to improve the living con- ditions of its people. The two countries have established a long record of co- operation and friendship. On the occa- sion of the 18th anniversary of Indo- nesian independence, the United States takes the opportunity to express its de- sire to maintain close and cordial rela- tions with Indonesia on a basis of mu- tual respect. ' Civil Rights Resolutions EXTENSION OF REMARES \ HON. ROBERT DOLE OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, August 15, 1963 Mr. DOLE. Mr. Speaker, Iam certain the “Resolutions Adopted by the House of Bishops, Protestant Episcopal Church, Toronto, Ontario, August 12, 1963,” will be of interest to Members. These im- portant resolutions were brought to my attention by the Rev. William E, Craig, director, St. Francis Boys’ Home, Salina and Ellsworth, Kans., who is sincerely eoncerned with the rights and needs of all minority groups. Resolved, That the House of Bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church urges the Congress of the United States to pass such elvil rights legislation as shall fairly and effectively implement both the established rights and the needs of all minority groups in education, voting rights, housing, em- ployment opportunities, and access to places of public accommodation. Resolved, That the House of Bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church, mindful of the Church Assembly to be held in Wash- ington, D.C., on August 28, 1963, In coopera- tion with the March on Washington for Jobs )and Freedom, (a) recognizes not only the | right of free citizens to peaceful assemblage for the redress of grievances, but also that participation in such an assemblage is a proper expression of Christian witness and obedience;- (b) welcomes the responsible discipleship which impels many of our bishops, clergy, and laity to take part in such se. A5219 an assemblage and supports them fully; (c) } prays that through such peaceful assemblage }- citizens of all races may bring before the Government for appropriate and competent action the critical and agonizing problems posed to our Nation by racial discrimination in employment, in access to places of public accommodation, in political rights, in edu- cation, and housing. Resolved, That the House of Bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church commends to all people the Presiding Bishop's letter dated Whitsunday 1963, as appropriate and helpful in the present racial crisis; and that and timely expression of Christian leader- ship. Call to Political Duty EXTENSION OF REMARES OF HON. FRED SCHWENGEL OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, August 15, 1963 Mr. SCHWENGEL. Mr. Speaker, in his keynote speech to the workshop meeting of the Republican Citizens Com- mittee not long ago Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower called strongly upon “politi- cal amateurs” to participate in politics. This call is well worth remembering and pondering for the vast majority of citi- zens who find it so much easier to sit back and do nothing and then complain because they are not governed as they would like to be. History plainly indi- cates that democracies remain strong only so long as their citizens remain actively interested in their governments. Therefore, I call the attention of every citizen to former President Eisenhower's remarks in the article from the Saturday Evening Post of August 10, 1963, which follows below: ’ A Cat TO Poxirrican Dury After an illustrious career in public serv- ice, no one would criticize Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower if he decided to take it easy in his retirement. But the former President seems to be going stronger than ever. Re- cently he has shown a zest for close political combat unlike anything that he showed dur- ing his “active” career. Not long ago a group of distinguished Re- publicans from all sections of the country gathered at Hershey, Pa., for a workshop meeting of the Republican Citizens Com- mittee. General Eisenhower delivered the keynote speech. He let the New Frontier have it. Duty “requires that we call the roll, clear and loud on the opposition's record,” he sald, “the sorry record that stands naked to be- hold, when the cunningly manipulated ve- neer of imagery is peeled off. * * *For the sake of its future, the American electorate * * * should become fully aware of the po- litical connivance that is a way of political life for those who avidly seek power at any cost—and having won it, reach out for more and more.” The main thrust of General Eisenhower's speech was a call for massive participation by Republican-oriented citizens in the cam- paign of 1964. “I hope this town meeting is the forerunner of many, many more across the country by different citizens’ groups, all of which make thelr contribution toward the growth of Republicanism,” he seid. “Political ‘amateurs,’” he added, “bring verse, sparkle and fresh ideas which perk up @& 1 we support the Presiding Bishop in this wise |, A5220 political party the way a well-advertised medicine does tired blood. Many of today's finest public officials and party organization leaders were yesterday's ‘political amateurs.’ " The general speaks from experience. “Ded- icated nonprofessionals,” he said, “were to a considerable extent responsible for my deci- sion in 1952 to enter the political arena.” We heartily endorse General Eisenhower's call for massive Republican citizen partici- pation in the coming campaign. The s0- called amateurs can give the party some- . thing that the tired party pros seem unable to supply—a renewed energy and a hefty injection of idealism. Perhaps the “ama- teurs” will even uncover a Republican can- didate who will give Jack Kennedy a run for his money in 1964. Trotters Shoals EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. W. J. BRYAN DORN OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, August 15, 1963 Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, the textile industry is the leading industry in the Carolinas and Georgia. This great in- dustry, the very backbone of our econ- omy, must never become dependent upon the Federal Government for its power. Another Federal Government dam at Trotter Shoals on the Savannah River would give the Federal Government a complete monopoly over that great river. If the Federal Government controls pow- er and water, it will control people and their employment. The following editorial. is from the August 3, 1963 issue of Southern Textile News: PRIVATE VERSUS SOCIALIZED PowER With the textile industry's vital interest in taxes and electrical power, close watch should be kept on proposals for Uncle Sam to construct the Trotter Shoals Dam on the Sayannah River in South Carolina rather than for private enterprise. This is not of interest Just to South Carolinians, but has far-sweeping interests to all taxpayers. The pseudoliberals, whatever party label they wear, like to call themselves “The party with a heart,” or “The party of the peo- ple.” This infers that conservatives are heartless and unconcerned with people.. But close examination of the doctrine and pro- grams of the lberals often discloses that, either thelr heart is blind or they are more interested in power than people. This is il- lustrated in the Trotter Shoals project. As a matter of heart, the liberals argue that all of the natural resources of the Na- tion “belong to all the people.” This is the argument: they use to justify Federal con- struction of hydroelectric dams, notwith- standing the fact that Federal electricity is sold at cutrate prices to only a favored few of the people. Specifically, this is the argu- ment behind Interior Secretary Udall's de- mand that Uncle Sam, rather than private enterprise, construct the $78.7 million Trot- ter Shoals Dam, a project which would re- move 22,000 acres of land from State and local tax rolls. Would Federal constructlon of this dam help “all the people?” Here is what is in store for this area. (and other areas in time) if the Government does not build the dam: 1. The Mead Corp. will employ 1,400 workers in the construction of a $40 million plant at the site which will create 650 per- manent jobs. The plant will purchase $9 million worth of pulpwood a year which will create another 1,850 jobs. The plant will pay $3.8 million a year in local, State and Federal taxes (not counting the taxes which the new workers will pay.) 2. Duke Power Co, will employ 1,000 workers in the construction of an electric steamplant at the site which will create 135 permanent jobs. The steamplant (which will generate 24 times as much electricity as the Federal dam) will purchase $25 million worth of coal a year which will create more new jobs in the mining industry. The investor- owned steamplant will pay $13 million a year in local, State, and Federal taxes. As a matter of “heart,” which would do more for the most people, the Federal Gov- ernment or private enterprise?. Is President Kennedy Afraid To Trust the American People? EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. BRUCE ALGER OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ' Wednesday, August 14, 1963 Mr. ALGER. Mr. Speaker, why does President Kennedy refuse to trust the American people? Why does he enter into secret negotiations with Khru- shchev? What has he promised Khru- shchev? Who is calling the shots, our President or the Soviet dictator? It is time the American people know dust what President Kennedy has in mind for them and what kind of country he intends to leave for our children. The reports of secret agreements reached with Khrushchev should fill us with fear- ful foreboding. It seems to me Congress should de- mand a full explanation to the ques- tions raised in the following article from the Washington World of August 19, written by Robert S. Allen and Paul Scott. Even Averell Harriman, famous for his. negotiations with the Russians, says our goals and theirs are absolutely irrecon- cilable. Therefore, any agreements ac- ceptable to Khrushchev must be against the best interest of the United States. The article follows: KENNEDY AND KunusHcHEy Mucr CLoser on AGREEMENT THAN STATEMENTS INDICATE (By Robert S. Allen and Paul Scott) President Kennedy and Premier Khru- shchev are much closer to a step-by-step agreement on a nonagression pact between the West and the Soviet block than their public statements indicate. In fact, they already have reached an un- derstanding in their exchange of letters on a plan for a piecemeal approach to cope with - the opposition of West Germany and France. SCHEDULE OF TALKS Under this Kennedy-Khrushchev strategy, the following “escalator procedure” will be pursued in the ‘second round” of negotia- tions underway in Moscow: Exchange of military missions between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Pact, the Iron Curtain military alliance. Resumption of discussions on the security of West Berlin and its access routes, A joint declaration to be signed by the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — APPENDI mili Gen the a Cr Fi non nati A for sion Pres ciftir Geri U; ager NAT wou ‘man trie: reco Le vidu aITA sign Gen Al NAT info Een Mos: Tl proc wou this R pose mer and cont incl 60n sign Spe maj leag edil by] Au  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 43 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963 https://ivanallen.iac.gatech.edu/mayoral-records/traditional/files/original/95235b891069c56f4dc63d77984a3918.pdf 55640adc4c02589d85b49457adcc4d0a Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. I . 14026 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE cally h elpful effect on numerous menThe PRESIDING OFFICER. Without' tally ill people. obj ection, it is so ordered. I personally had reservations concernMr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask ing the application of this program on unanimous consent that the n ame of the Indian reservations. But on the same Senator from Vermont [Mr. PROUTY] trip we went into the largest Sioux In- may be added as a cosponsor of S . 1801, dian Reservation, and there we learned to effectuate the provisions of the sixth again how even a few "seedmen" volun- amendment of the U.S . Constitution reteers can, with their good will, inspira- quiting that defendants in criminal cases tion, and enthusiasm, perform-practical be-given' the right to a speedy trial; and measures to help in the almost unbe- S. 1802, to protect the integrity of the lievable poverty, in all departments, on comt and jury functions in criminal Indian reservations. cases, which I introduced on June 26. Our committee, which has dealt with The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without migratory labor problems, has seen over obj ection, it is so ordered. the years how a few volunteers in migraMr. MORSE. Mr. President, although tory labor camps can do so much to b1ing all these bills have been printed, the a bit of needed education to the youngs- n ames of ·the additional · cosponsors will ters--and perhaps even to the adt,llts. be included at the next printing. They· can provide nursery day care for Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the the very young, and assist in state health Senator yield? and sanitation projects also. Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. I yield. I hope all Senators will have an opMr. JAVITS. The Senator from Oreportunity to look over the hearing rec- gon has joined me in his bill to prevent ord and note the unanimity of views Federal funds from being utilized for across the country of people with know!- State programs which are segregated. I edge in the field of social problems. would like to say a word on the subject, More than 50 organizations have •enthu- because it is becoming quite a raging lssiastically endorsed the bill. They are sue. I have joined the Senator from all listed in the hearings record and Oregon on his ·bill, just as I joined my on pages 12 to 14 of the committee report. colleague [Mr. KEATING] on his amendIt is significant that those who are most ment to the omnibus civil rights bill knowledgeable in social work have been along these lines, because I feel very most articulate and strong in their en- deeply that the only hope for civil rights dorsement. legislation is in bipartisanship; and I Among the groups, church people are want to do everything I humanly can to prominent. They are hopeful that the demonstrate by act and deed my deep legislation will be passed, and that we feeling on that score. shall be able to spark, through volunNeither side alone has the votes to pass teers, an even greater community re- civil rights legislation. In my opinion, it sponse to severe human needs and prob- is a fact that, in every way open to us, !ems_ we shall need to keep this bipartisan Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the coalition together so that we may ultiSenator yield fmther? mately get somewhere. The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. I hope very much-and I know how PROXMIRE in the chair). Does the Sen- the Senator from Oregon feels about this, ator yield? but I am putting it in words-that all Mr. WILLIAMS of New J ersey. I an_i Members on both sides of the aisle will happy to yield. keep very clearly in mind that this is a Mr. JAVITS . I join the Senator in burning issue on the domestic scene-as the sentiments he has expressed. if the burning an issue as is nuclear testing on bill is enacted into law I hope the Presi- the international scene. The only way dent, in considering the appointment of we .are going to get .anyWhere is by keepa Director for the National service ing the goal very clear . Call it nonparCorps, will keep in mind the very excel- · !'tisan or bipartisan , the fact is that lent example of comple. tely nonpartisan neither side alone h as the votes, and we leadership-as high minded as that of must be together on the issue. those who serve-which has. been so Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will the heavily responsible, in my opinion, for Senator from New Jersey yield to me a moment? the success of the Peace Corps. I thank my colleague. Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. I yield. "-Mr. MORSE. In connection with what CIVIl, RIGHTS-ADDITIONAL - \ ~he Senator from New _York 1:as 58:id, _lt 1s an honor to be associated with hun m COSPONSORS OF BILLS his advocacy of civ11 rights legislation. I Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will the know of no peer of the Senator from New enator yield? York in the civil rights legislation field. Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. I am But I would have my colleagues take note appy to yield. of the fact that what my bill seeks to acMr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask complish is to prevent the Federal Govanimous consent that the name of the ernmeiit from violating the law. If one Senator from New York [Mr. JAVITSl of us were to ask a Senator to join him may be added as a cosponsor of S . 1665, in an illegal act, the Senator who was to require that all State or local pro- asked would look askance and be horror grams supported with Federal funds 1 strlcken. But Members of this body, shall be administered and executed with- every time they vote for Federal funds out regard to the race or color of the for projects involving segregation, in my participants and beneficiaries, which I opinion, a.re guilty of perpetrating an iiintroduced on June 4. legal act, for 9 years ago the Supreme I August 13 Court declared segregation to be unconstitutional, and therefore illegal. Yet we sit here in the Senate, on bill after bill, and vote millions of dollars of Federal taxpayers to continue an illegality. It is about time that we put Members of the Senate on the spot, and the senior Senator from Oregon intends to ..do it. He intends to go from coast to coast to call the roll of Members of the Senate who continue to vote to expend illegally Federa! taxpayers' money and who continue an unconstitutional act on the part of the Congress. Members will not be asked to vote on this issue program by program, but on the whole broad issue of funds going into segregated programs and a ctivities. This issue is becoming one on which we can no longer do any dillydallying. The issue is whether or not the Congress will keep faith with its right hand when its Members take the oath in this body to uphold the law. We cannot justify the appropriation of moneys for the continuation of Federal projects in which there is segregation. Let the people speak in respect to· the rollcall that will be made in the Morse bill and similar proposals that seek to bring to an end the illegality that now exists in this country and that has characte1ized the treatment of civil rights in Federal programs. As the Senator from New York has heard me say before, the time has come for the white people of Ame1ica to deliver the Constitution of the United States to the colored people of America ; and I do not intend any longer to sit h ere and permit politicians to get by with what they have been getting by for years in the Senate and covering it with the alibi, when they get back home, "It is the best we could do." I will tell Senators what the best we can do is. It is to act in accordance with the law; and the Supreme Court has made perfectl_y clear that segregation is unconstitutional. I · intend to do what I can to take that record across this Republic in the months ahead, before the election of 1964. I do not care whether a Senator is a Republican or a Democrat--he ought to be beaten for reelection in 1964-others will be up for reelection in 1966 and others in 1968-if he does not uphold the law as laid down by the Supreme Court. Mr, JAVITS. Mr. President, if the Senator will yield, I have done precisely t h at, as recen,tly as last Wednesday in connection with the Labor-HEW appropriations bill. The reason I made the comment about bipartisanship is that I had the feeling that Members of Congress, when they vote, have an idea that party loyalty requires them to stand by the administration-it might have happened just as well on our side of the aisle if .our party were in the majority-and that they have to stand by and vote to table this kind of amendment. I think the Senator from Oregon has, with his eloquence and warmth, highlighted what I have tried to do, but which I am delighted to join him in highlighting-the fact that, of all the things done in the racial field, with all the fuel added to the fire, this is the worst. It is incon- l �1963 CON GRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE l nr workers or duplicate or repla-0e an existin g service in the same locality. The Service Corps will be a means wh ereby the local community can draw on th e knowledge and skills of the entire Nation . But the progr agm is designed so that these trained volunteers will work with a community, in a program developed by th e community it self . A great deal of careful st udy h as gone int o this pr ogram . More than 50 ideas for projects were submitt ed to th e Presiden t 's St udy Gr oup on a National Ser vice Corps by various State and local, p ublic and private . organ izations throughout th e Nation. Twelve of these suggested project s are outlined i.n detail in the h earing recor d. A glance at these projects will show the very practical work t hat corpsmen would be doing. On an Indian reservation, they could act as instructors for self-help housing programs, run nursery schools and clinics; in a h ospit al for the mentally retarded they would h elp regular personnel as teachers aids and recreational aids ; working with migrants, they would give basic education to adults and vocational guidance to the youngsters. I t is important to remember that these projects are n ot the brain children of a bureaucratic planner. They were worked out by men and women of wide experience wh o know the help that trained volunteers can be to them in -t ackling the problems of a community. Mr. President, th ere are many Americans, young and old, wh o are anxious and a ble to h elp our less fortunate citizens. The Corps will draw n ot only upon enthusiasm of our young people, but upon the wisdom and experience of ret ired persons. There ar e a vast number of people both young and old r eady to h elp if given a way. Obviously, 5,000 men and women can n ot solve all the age-old problems of h uman suffering. But their example will h ave an effect far beyon d their number. If every corpsman inspires 10 oth ers to work in th eir own hometowns , or to join the helping professions, the cost of this progr am will have r epaid itself 10 times over . I know that the dedicated work of th e Service Corps volunteers will show that our material success b as not blinded us to the sufferings of oth ers. T his program will be a true expression of the ideals which h ave m ade this Nation great. The proposed legislation has been con sidered as carefully as any measure with which I have been associated. I am sure that Senators are familiar with its genesis and the steps that have been taken in developing the program to the point where it ls now under general debate in the Senate. In first addressing himself to this noble project, the President called upon members of his Cabinet to develop policy for it. The Cabinet members so selected chose from their departments persons of great talent to undertake the staff work that is necessary to insure that the noble idea would not be emotionalized, but would become hard, tough. and practical in its development. That study group, while small in number, w~ uniquely dedicated to this cause. Once created, the st udy group has developed ideas which were embodied in the legislation t hat came t o the Senate. The m easure was r eferred to the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, and assigned to the Subcommittee on Migratory Labor for fwt h er legislative action. Mr. J AVITS. Mr. Pr esiden t, will th e Sen ator yield? • • Mr. WILLIAMS of New J ersey. · I yield. Mr. J AVITS. I am a cosponsor of this par ticular m easure. I believe it r epresen ts an effort to translate th e idealism which has been so pr ominent in the Peace Corps and which h as worked so well abroad to the domestic service of t h e United States. I am satisfied, too, th at the scheme which is proposed t o the Congress parallels, as far as is practical, t he successful patt ern evolved in respect of the Peace Corps, which I believe is one of the more successful initia tives of the United States in the employment, in its foreign aid and foreign development efforts, of the idealism, skill, and interest of young Americans. There is an ample n umber of pr ojects which can profit gr eatly from th e dedication which the National Service Corps will inspire. I feel, too, that it will be a very important channel through which volunteer services of young and old alike may go into areas--many of which have been described-of want, need, illness, and underprivilege, which are enclaves .of backwa.rdness in terms of econ omic advance, such as the areas of migratory farm workers. There the volunteers can be of great benefit. I am very much for the bill. I am a cosponsor, as I said. I have only two r eservations, Mr. President. I hink perh aps, · if we n eeded a description of wh at is being done, the words "practical idealism" would describe it. I hope very m uch that the practical idealism which is r epresen t ed in the National Service Corps will not be marred by asking the dedicated people wh o will be involved to serve in establishm ents or institutions which follow a. practice of racial segr egation. This is som ething about which I ex pressed my deep concern In the committee. It is something which is the subject of an amendment I h ave h ad printed, which is on th e desk. I realize that t he argument can be made that those who are afflicted should receive help, and that this should be the case even if they are afflicted in a segregated institution. But I think t h e temper of the times is such that we are engaged in a struggle in which t h ere must be some casualties, and those who are the subjects of segregation are the readiest to accept the "casualty" of being unable to obtain the ministrations of the National Service Corps when there is a pattern of racial segreg-ation. I hope very much that some way may be found of working out what it seems to me would be so opposite to the patriotic dedication which 1s represented by the Corps. The other subject to which I hope my colleagues in the Senate will give a little 14025 thought is the possibility that we ar e dealing domestically- not abroad, as we did with the Peace Corps- with an an alogy t o the National Guard and th e R OTC. We could allow States to under~ take some of the responsibility for training corpsmen and using them within the respective States. I h ave prepared an amendment upon that score. ·· I h ope t o hear the discussion in respect to the bill, to determine wh eth er there is a sufficient amount of interest in the Senate, since th e amendment was turned down in the committee, to justify my offering the amendment. I think the plan is a very sound one, t o allow States to participate in t he process of selection and training, and to allow them to r et ain the trainees within the S tates, a t the same time m aintaining the. cachet of this elite corp, the Nation al Service Corps, exactly as we do with r espect t o National Guard officers and .men as they relate to the military forces of the Nation. The advantage would be that we would stimulf\te a great increase in the number of people who could be trained, the speed of th eir training, and the speed of their u tilization, and we could invoke State as well as national pride in respect t o the trainees. So, with those two reservations, Mr. . P residen t, which I h ave describedwhich are n ot. in my opinion, reservat ions in any way to chan ge the quality and character of th e plan-having proved the validity of the idea in terms of inspiration to youth and in terms of its usefulness to th ose it serves through the P eace Corps, I believe we have arrived at the point where the National Service Corps is the next logical step in terms of undertaking to give our youth an oppor tunity to show their dedication and their idealism . I am grateful to my colleague for yielding. I am confident t hat by the time the vote occurs on the bill we shall have completely closed r anks in full support of it. Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr. President, I am gr at eful. indeed, for those commen ts by the senior Senator from New York. I am grateful also for his s tr ong support of the proposed legislation, his sponsorship of it, and the contributions h e made in the committee deliberations. ' As the Senator knows, after the bill was drafted 24 Members of the Sen ate joined in cosponsorship of the proposed legislation. The subcommittee which 1·eceived the bill h eld 9 days of hearings. The record is m ost complete. Not only did the subcommittee hold formal hearings in the Capitol, but also members of the subcommittee, togeth er with members of a committee from the House of Representatives, went on a field trip, to see for themselves how the program could be useful in certain areas. I am sure that Members of Congress who went on the trip will never forget the experiences we had at Osawatomie State Mental Hospital in the State of Kansas and how, beyond question, it was proved to us that even one volunteer can have a dramati- I � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 14026 cally helpful effect on numerous men- tally ill people. I personally had reservations concern- ing the application of this program on Indian reservations, But on the same trip we went into the largest Sioux In- dian Reservation, and there we learned again how even a few ‘seedmen” volun- teers can, with their good will, inspira- tion, and enthusiasm, perform practical Measures to help in the almost unbe- lievable poverty, in all departments, on Indian reservations. Our committee, which has dealt with migratory labor problems, has seen over the years how a few volunteers in migra- tory labor camps can do so much to bring a bit of needed education to the youngs- ters—and perhaps even to the adults. They can provide nursery day care for the very young, and assist in state health and sanitation projects also. I hope all Senators will have an op- portunity to look over the hearing rec- ord and note the unanimity of views across the country of people with knowl- edge in the field of social problems. More than 50 organizations have ‘enthu- siastically endorsed the bill. They are all listed in the hearings record and on pages 12 to 14 of the committee report. It is significant that those who are most knowledgeable in social work have been most artieulate and strong in their en- dorsement. Among the groups, church people are prominent. ‘They are hopeful that the legislation will be passed, and that we shall be able to spark, through volun- teers, an even greater community re- sponse to severe human needs and prob- lems. & Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further? The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Proxmire in the chair). Does the Sen- ator yield? Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. I am happy to yield. Mr. JAVITS. TI join the Senator in the sentiments he has expressed. If the bill is enacted into law, I hope the Presi- dent, in considering the appointment of a Director for the National Service Corps, will keep in mind the very excel- Jent example of completely nonpartisan leadership—as high minded as that of those who serve—which has been so heavily responsible, in my opinion, for the success of the Peace Corps. I thank my colleague. CIVIL RIGHTS—ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF BILLS Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will the ie yield? Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Iam appy to yield. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask lanimous consent that the name of the Senator from New York [Mr. Javits] may be added as a cosponsor of S. 1665, to require that all State or local pro- grams supported with Federal funds shall be administered and executed with- out regard to the race or color of the introduced on June 4.. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the name of the Senator from Vermont [Mr. Proury] may be added as a cosponsor of S. 1801, to effectuate the provisions of the sixth amendment of the U.S. Constitution re- quiring that defendants in criminal cases be given the right to a sneedy trial; and S. 1802, to protect the integrity of the court and jury functions in criminal cases, which I introduced on June 26. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, although all these bills have been printed, the names of the additional cosponsors will be included at the next printing. Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. I yield. Mr. JAVITS. The Senator from Ore- gon has joined me in his bill to prevent Federal funds from being utilized for State programs which are segregated. I would like to say a word on the subject, because it is becoming quite a raging is- sue. I have joined the Senator from Oregon on his bill, just as I joined my colleague [Mr. Kratrnc] on his amend- ment to the omnibus civil rights bill along these lines, because I feel very deeply that the only hope for civil rights legislation is in bipartisanship; and I want to do everything I humanly can to demonstrate by act and deed my deep feeling on that score. Neither side alone has the votes to pass civil rights legislation. In my opinion, it is a fact that, in every way open to us, we shall need to keep this bipartisan coalition together so that we may ulti- mately get somewhere. I hope very much—and I Know how the Senator from Oregon feels about this, but I am putting it in words—that all Members on both sides of the aisle will keep very clearly in mind that this is a burning issue on the domestic scene—as burning an issue as is nuclear testing on the international scene. The only way we are going to get. anywhere is by keep- ing the goal very clear. Call it nonpar- tisan or bipartisan, the fact is that neither side alone has the votes, and we must be together on the issue. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will the Senator from New Jersey yield to me a moment? ; Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. I yield. Mr. MORSE. Inconnection with what the Senator from New York has said, it is an honor to be associated with him in his advocacy of civil rights legislation. I know of no peer of the Senator from New York in the civil rights legislation field. But I would have my colleagues take note of the fact that what my bill seeks to ac- complish is to prevent the Federal Gov- ernment from violating the law, If one of us were to ask a Senator to join him in an illegal act, the Senator who was asked would look askance and be horror stricken. every time they vote for Federal funds for projects involving segregation, in my articipants and beneficiaries, which I [opinion, are guilty of perpetrating an il- legal act, for 9 years ago the Supreme But Members of this body, August 13 : é Court declared segregation to be uncon-, si stitutional, and therefore illegal. Yet we 3 sit here in the Senate, on bill after bill, and vote millions of dollars of Federal taxpayers to continue an illegality. It is about time that we put Members of the — Senate on the spot, and the senior Sen- ator from Oregon intends to do it. He intends to go from coast to coast to call the roll of Members of the Senate who continue to yote to expend illegally Fed- > eral taxpayers’ money and who continue } an unconstitutional act on the part of the Congress. Members will not be asked to vote on this issue program by program, but on 5 the whole broad issue of funds going into , — segregated programs and activities. — . This issue is becoming one on which we can no longer do any dillydallying. The issue is whether or not the Congress - will keep faith with its right hand when its Members take the oath in this body to uphold the law. We cannot justify the appropriation of moneys forthecon- ¢ tinuation of Federal projects in which there is segregation. Let the people speak in respect to the rolleall that will j be made in the Morse bill and similar é proposals that seek to bring to an nd ui the illegality that now existsinthiscoun- ~ try and that has characterized the treat- ’ ment of civil rights in Federal programs. _ As the Senator from New York has) ‘ heard me say before, the time has ¢ come os do not intend any longer to sit nee and {- } permit politicians to get by with ae, ' they have been getting byforyearsinthe; | Senate and covering it with the alibi,, when they get back home, “It is the best we could do.” I will tell Senators what the best we can sy) M dois. It is to act in accordance with the law; and the Supreme Court has made perfectly clear that segregation is se constitutional. I ‘intend to do wi , can to take that record across this Re- public in the months ahead, before the election of 1964. I do not care whether a Senator is a Republican or a Demo- crat—he ought to be beaten for re- | — election in 1964—others will be up for \ _ reelection in 1966 and others in 196 he does not uphold the law as laid down : by the Supreme Court. Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, if the a Senator will yield, I have done precise aA: that, as recently as last Wednesday in 5 connection with the Labor-HEW appro- : priations bill. The reason I made the — comment about bipartisanship is. that I. had the feeling that Members of Con- gress, when they vote, have an idea that party loyalty requires them to stand Py the administration—it might have hap- pened just as well on our side of the aisle if our party were in the majority—and _ that they have to stand by and vote to. table this kind of amendment. pays I think the Senator from Or ane E with his eloquence and w: lighted what I have tried to ao but ni which I am delighted to join him in ‘hig — ine—the fact that, of all the things done __ in the racial field, with all the fuel ada to the fire, this is the worst, Tt is incon 1963 4 lar workers or duplicate or replace an exist- - ing service in the same locality. ‘ The Service Corps will be a means I whereby the local community can draw -__ on the Imowledge and skills of the entire _ Nation. But the progragm is designed _ so that these trained volunteers will work with a community, in a program ‘ developed by the community it self. A * great deal of careful study has gone into < this program. More than 50 ideas for projects were submitted to the Presi- dent’s Study Group on a National Serv- ! ice Corps by various State and local, 4 public and private organizations 4 throughout the Nation. Twelve of these suggested projects are outlined in detail \ in the hearing record. A glance at these projects will show the very practical work that corpsmen would be doing. On an Indian reservation, they could act as in- structors for self-help housing programs, tum nursery schools and clinics; in a _ hospital for the mentally retarded they would help regular personnel as teachers aids and recreational aids; working with migrants, they would give basic education to adults and vocational guid- ance to the youngsters. hy ‘It is important to remember that these _ projects are not the brain children of a bureaucratic planner. They were worked out by men and women of wide experi- ‘ence who know the help that trained volunteers can be to them in. tackling ' the problems of a community. _ Mr. President, there are many Ameri- € cans, young and old, who are anxious [and able to help our less fortunate citi- zens. The Corps will draw not only up- * on enthusiasm of our young people, but upon the wisdom and experience of re- tired persons. There are a vast number of people both young and old ready to help if given a way. Obviously, 5,000 men and women can- not solve all the age-old problems of human suffering. But their example will have an effect far beyond their num- _ ber. ‘If every corpsman inspires 10 _ others to work in their own hometowns, a or to join the helping proféssions, the ‘ bor aft this program will have repaid it- ‘know that the dedicated work of the _ Service Corps volunteers will show that our material success has not blinded us to the sufferings of others. This pro- eq gram will be a true expression of the ideals which have made this Nation great. ; ‘The proposed legislation has been con- es _ sidered | as carefully as any measure with yhich I have been associated. I am sure that Senators are familiar with its gene- _ sis and the steps that have been taken in developing the program to the point ; where it is now under general debate in re the Senate, In first addressing himself to this. noble project, the President called upon members of his Cabinet to develop A _ policy for it. The Cabinet members so selected chose from their departments v persons of great talent to undertake the ha staff work that is necessary to insure { aaah ihe noble idea would not be emotion- but would become hard, tough, _ and practical in its development. That . ar group, while small in number, was CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE uniquely dedicated to this cause. Once created, the study group has developed ideas which were embodied in the legis- lation that came to the Senate. The measure was referred to the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, and as- signed to the Subcommittee on Migratory Labor for further legislative action. Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? " Mr, WILLIAMS of New Jersey. I yield. Mr. JAVITS. I am a cosponsor of this particular measure. I believe it represents an effort to translate the idealism which has been so prominent in the Peace Corps and which has worked so well abroad to the domestic service of the United States. I am satisfied, too, that the scheme which is proposed to the Congress parallels, as far as is practical, the successful pattern evolved in respect of the Peace Corps, which I believe is one of the more successful initiatives of the United States in the employment, in its foreign aid and foreign development efforts, of the idealism, skill, and inter- est of young Americans. There is an ample number of projects which can profit greatly from the dedication which the National Service Corps will inspire. I feel, too, that it will be a very im- portant channel through which volun- teer services of young and old alike may go into areas—many of which have been described—of want, need, illness, and underprivilege, which are enclaves of backwardness in terms of economic ad- vance, such as the areas of migratory farm workers. There the volunteers can be of great benefit. I am very much for the bill. cosponsor, as I said. I have only two reservations, Mr. President. IE think perhaps, if we needed a de- scription of what is being done, the words “practical idealism’ would de- scribe it. I hope yery much that the practical idealism which is represented in the National Service Corps will not be marred by asking the dedicated people who will be involved to serve in establish- ments or institutions which follow a practice of racial segregation. This is something about which I ex- pressed my deep concern in the commit- tee. It is something which is the subject of an amendment I have had printed, which is on the desk. I realize that the argument can be made that those who are afllicted should receive help, and that this should be the case even if they are afflicted in a segre- gated institution. But I think the temper of the times is such that we are engaged in a struggle in which there must be some casualties, and those who are the subjects of segregation are the readiest to accept the “casualty” of being unable to obtain the ministrations of the National Service Corps when there is a pattern of racial segregation. I hope very much that some way may be found of working out what it seems to me would be so opposite to the patri- otic dedication which is represented by The other subject to which I hope my colleagues in the Senate will give a little Iam a 14025 thought is the possibility that we are dealing domestically—not abroad, as we did with the Peace Corps—with an analogy to the National Guard and the ROTC. We could allow States to under- take some of the responsibility for train- ing corpsmen and using them within the respective States. I have prepared an amendment upon that score. I hope to hear the discussion in respect to the bill, to determine whether there is a sufficient amount of interest in the Sen- ate, since the amendment was turned down in the committee, to justify my offering the amendment. I think the plan is a very sound one, to allow States to participate in the process of selection and training, and to allow them to re- tain the trainees within the States, at the same time maintaining the cachet of this elite corp, the National Service Corps, exactly as we do with respect to National Guard officers and men as they relate to the military forces of the Na- tion. The advantage would be that we would stimulate a great increase in the num- ber of people who could be trained, the speed of their training, and the speed of their utilization, and we could invoke State as well as national pride in re- spect to the trainees. So, with those two reservations, Mr. President, which I have described— which are not, in my opinion, reserva- tions in any way to change the quality and character of the plan—having proved the validity of the idea in terms of inspiration to youth and in terms of its usefulness to those it serves through the Peace Corps, I believe we have ar- rived at the point where the National Service Corps is the next logical step in terms of undertaking to give our youth an opportunity to show their dedication and their idealism. I am grateful to my colleague for yielding. I am confident that by the time the vote occurs on the bill we shall have completely closed ranks in full sup- port of it. Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr. President, I am grateful, indeed, for those comments by the senior Senator from New York. I am grateful also for his strong support of the proposed leg- islation, his sponsorship of it, and the contributions he made in the committee deliberations. As the Senator knows, after the bill was drafted 24 Members of the Senate joined in cosponsorship of the proposed legislation. eh The subcommittee which received the bill held 9 days of hearings. The record is most complete. Not only did the sub- committee hold formal hearings in the Capitol, but also members of the sub- committee, together with members of a committee from the House of Represent- atives, went on a field trip, to see for themselves how the program could be useful in certain areas. Iam sure that Members of Congress who went on the trip will never forget the experiences we had at Osawatomie State Mental Hos-. pital in the State of Kansas and how, beyond question, it was proved to us that even one volunteer can have a dramati-  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Box 17, Folder 14, Document 44 Box 17 Box 17 Folder 14 Folder topic: Civil Rights Bill | 1963