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OMMUNITY RELATIONS COMMISSION 1!03 CITY HALL, ATLANTA GEORGIA 30303

Mayor Iva n Allen, Jr.

City Hall

�REPRINTED FROM THE LOS ANGELES TIMES, SUNDAY, JUtY 24, 1966

THE POOR'S ANGRY VOICESA WARNING AND A THERAPY JACK JONES

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PROTEST-"Shouting at a public official . . . is a demonstration that the poor and minorities have ... power to challenge the 'big chief.'" Times drawing

"The Negro built this nation; let's burn it to the ground!" thundered a delegate to a recent convention of the poor in Fontana. "We have found the only way to move the power structure," cried another, "is to tell them what will Times staff writer ] ones' s principal assignments are in the civil rights, welfare and poverty fields.

happen if they don't meet our demands. The truth was proved in Watts." These cries of outrage, heard time and time again whenever the rebellious poor or less privileged gather, certa inly are discomfiting to members of an

affluent society. They expose the latent distrust and hatred of the so-called "power structure"; they ring with undertones of terror and possible anarchy. But viewed with an awareness of other protest movements of history, they reflect the not abnormal outcry of a people suddenly offered a chance to vent their frustrations . Some of th e very people who have been the recent targets of vi tuperative attacks by the unsophisticated and uned ucated regard those outbursts as healthy. The Shriver Incident

Sargent Shriver, who directs th e antipoverty war that has had much to do with releas ing th e angrv

�place for gang leaders; and the WSO newspaper may fairly be called inflammatory in its constant and exaggerated preaching against the police for alleged brutality. In the SCLC offices, many of the staff members wear buttons bearing the legend "Anybody But Daley," and many of the local rights leaders joining hands with Dr. King are people who spend their lives trying to undermine the Daley machine politically. In these surroundings, Dr. King's non-violence becomes, at the best, confusing-to the white community and to the Negroes. Dr. King came into the city and took over a rights movement in which many of the activists had carelessly talked bruta lity and violence for too long. That talk had its effect and is still having it. Thus the riot clarified the argument over black power. The rioters knew that riot is the negation of civil order, but they have now found it is also the dissolution of all power, political, moral and economic. The trophy of r iot is destruction; but, when Dr. King rightly tells the residents of the ghetto that they have little stake in this society, he cannot easily convince them they should not destroy it. That is the logic of events, and it has caught Dr. King out, along w ith the rest of Chicago. Riot's triumph is death. Almost miraculously, there was little death in the riot here. Two-or three persons-died, killed by stray bu llets. One was a man from Mississippi and the other was a 14-yearold girl whose baby was stillborn as t he mother died. Considering the amount of shooting for three days, this toll is small. There were snipers everywhere. Wednesday night there was random shooting from the windows of a high rise city housing project, some of it aimed by neighbors at neighbors. Thursday night there was a spectacular gun battle between the residents of another high rise and the police. There were gun battles up and down streets. The mere number of weapons being u sed on both sides seemed incredible. Has the white community started now to arm itself against such another battle? No one will guess. Police officials keep a tight lip on the subject, saying they do not want to indu lge in psychological warfare. The youth gangs, both Negro and white, are superbly armed, but there is no evidence that they were conducting the gun battles. One is left with the uncomfortable notion that the citizens in general are well supplied with the instruments of death, and that the temperature of violence has r isen sharply a ll over the city as a result of the riot. It is certa in that the riot has frightened both

Negroes and whites. The wide publicity given locally to the youth gangs-most of it enormously exaggerated-has terrified the old Negro leadership and many of the Negro church and community leaders. The same publicity, and the violence of the riot, have produced a noticeable rise of hostility among w hites against the Negroes and against the civil rights drive. The politicians, even if they had decided to make some concessions t6 Dr . King toward racial integration, are now severely constricted by t heir constituencies. Innuendo and Rumor

In th e search for causes of the riot, meanwhile, everyone seems to be trying to ignore the solution to the great problems. They contin ue to rely on accusation, innuendo and even rumor as an excuse for not doing what must be done. The youth gangs ar e blam ed, and there is talk of subversive groups, without any reflection that in a well-ordered society a subversive group has not much of a chan ce, but that in a riotous situation it has every advantage. The politicans are blaming Dr. King fo r stirring u p trouble, but they know he is voicing real grievances; they just cannot believe there is not some kind of conspiracy at work, but they have little ev idence for one. It may be said fairly that they despise the man who has troubled their consciences. Dr. King blames the politicians for raising Negro hopes and then not ful filling them, but he himself has been singularly maladroit in finding ways to cooperate with them while allowing them to save face. He has deliberately ignored the fact that the politicians are elected by the white majority as well as by Negroes, and that the majority ranges ·from timid ly liberal to solidly r eactionary, that it can be led, bu t not pushed. Hard as Marshmallows

Perhaps the only people who found their views and themselves justified in the riot were the teenage gang leaders who w ill tell you bluntly that all the adult leaders on both sides are empty, greedy and dev ious, and about as hard as marshmallows. If the people of the ghetto are looking for a purpose a nd the youths are looking for a hero-as one suspects they are-an honest man would have to tell them to look elsewhere; for the rocks and bullets and clubs that destroyed windows and buildings also demolish ed a whole structure of plaster saints, black and white. Without the saints, we are left with human beings to deal with the gut issues. The heroes remain to be made ou t of the violence and chaos.

�OTIS

CHANDLER

PUB Ll ~ HE.R

no ackno w l edgment necessary

�REPRINTED FROM THE LOS ANGELES TIMES, SUNDAY, JULY 24, 1966

THE CHICAGO RIOTS

\ llOLENCE WITI-IOUT A PLOT D. J. R. BRUCKNER Then, not that man do more, or stop pity; but that he be u;ider in living; that all his cities fly a clean flag . . . Poet Kenneth Patchen

However, if a riot has any benefit, it lies in this, that it brilliantly illumi nates, for a moment, the logic of events: extreme violence tends to force the hands of people, and suddenly theoretical positions a nd legal principles all look quite different. What happened in Chicago is not very mysterious if one looks simply at it. Search for a Plot

CHICAGO The worst aspect of a riot is that it causes an over-reaction in the community; the people panic. Revolutionaries have understood this since the ancient world and have sometimes used it to their own advantage. There are signs of serious over-reaction in Chicago to the riots that ripped up the W est Side from July 12 to July 15. Part of the panic is purely self-protective, of course. Political, economic and religious leaders of the community discovered in the midst of violence that they ha\·e less control than they would like, or indeed than they should have; and they found D. ]. R. Bruckner is chief of The Times news bureau in Chicago .

they haYe less information than they need, to act. Civil rights leaders on the whole discovered much the same thing.

A number of city officials and police officers, however, are responding to the demands of the white majority in the city, and are looking for a plot or conspiracy, whether it be one concocted by youth gangs or Communist-inspired groups, or by political hotheads. A lot of investigators are scurry ing around looking for this alleged plot, and, God help us, they may even find one. Any little old mangy plot, however crazy or ineffectual, will serve very well to salve the. conscience of the city. The fact is that the riot was aimless. There is an instructive comparison available to this city. Last month there was a considerable riot in the city's Puerto Rican community. Compared with the violence on the Negro West Side, the Puerto Ricans' riot was a model of order and purpose. Theirs was a violent demonstration against a breakdown of communication. There was a certain happiness about it at times, as when the crowds lifted a man who had been bitten by a police dog to their shoulders and paraded him through the streets as a hero. The Puerto Ricans are at least a community among themselves. After their riot their leaders attended public hearings and aired their grievances, and these were the same grievances one could hear any P uerto Rican on the streets talking about. Total U nhappiness

What struck one about the riot among the Negroes was the total dissolution of a neighborhood of perhaps 350,000 people; the hatred not only against the white power structure, but against one another; the factions that battled against one another; the total unhappiness of it. This was not a happy riot, a nd even some of the boasting leaders of the teenage gangs admitted they were afraid. Afterwards, no one could fully define the grievances of the community. The riot was started by an altercation over the turning off of a fire hydrant. One's white neighbors who live out on the lakefront do not accept this explanation at all, but it is true. In the West Side ghetto a major riot can be caused by the turning of a wrench; no plot is n eeded and no reign of terror by gangs. Field workers from two city commissions working in the slums, others working for the YMCA, crusad-

�ing pastors and some police all know that riots have almost broken out several times in recent weeks over mere rumors, the transfer of a fa vorite priest from his parish, or an arrest. This is not to minimize the organized aspect of the riot. There are gangs and they are a serious problem, and there are some revolutiona ry groups in the ghetto. But life in the ghetto is normally violent and brutal; it does not take much to set off a riot. The white man outside the ghetto can scarcely realize the power of a rumor on the West Side, for instance; his mind cannot take it in. He really does not know the life of the poor, Negro or white, or how suspicious that life is. At 3 a.m. July 14, in the mid st of the riot, a reporter was attacked by a large rat on a West Side street corner. Two teen-age Negro boys, returning, they said, from a riot fora y, beat off this beast with a baseball bat and a board, explaining they were happy enough to fight rats which are, on the whole, worse than w hite newsmen. Filled With Rats

The slums are filled with rats ; rats are the manife st evidence of the inhumanity out there. They are eve ry wh ere, a long with the debris of demolished buildings, the dirt in the streets, the cheap bars. People grow up among the rats and li ve with them. Th e West Side is mostly the home of the Negro poor. In this it differs vastly from the South Side where perhaps 450,000 Negroes live ; many of them li\·e \\·ell , some live magnificently. On the West Side e\·en childhood has degenerated into gang warfare, extortion, intimidation, physical punishment a nd even occasional murder. Adult life is merely a n ex tens ion of thi s violen ce. In such conditions on e does not h a ve to explain riots by plots. May or Ri cha rd J . Daley, during th e riot, said there we re "outs iders" promoting the riot. Perhaps there w ere. But a ll those a r rested lived on the West Side a nd police di d not find the outs iders. Angry with Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., the mayor demanded to know from him "w hether other cities have no problems." P erhap s they ha ve, and Dr. King is indeed an outs id er. But last summ er th e mayor was face d with th e probl em of nuns staging a sit-in on the world 's bu siest intersection to protest the slum s, a nd they were not outs id ers. The may or's pouting is not dignified; it is childi sh. But it refl ects th e attitude of the white majority whi ch still elec ts him and w hi ch resents being jostl ed. In ra ce rela tions in thi s city, the bulk of the white peopl e treats th e mayor like a ser vant who is hired to br ibe th e minoriti es into civ ic order. Thus a riot produ ces a sudd en munificence from city hall, of hyd rant sprinklers a nd swimming pools a nd hou s ing projects. P e rvas ive Con ception

Th is con ception of the may or's offi ce is so per\·asi \·e that even many Negroes h ave come to beli eve it, a n d t he lead in g Negro politicians, w ho a re pa rt of Da ley's De mocratic Pa rty machi ne , act ua lly enfo rce it . But the g ifts of city h all hide th e bas ic p ro blem about the l'\egro ghetto. The pr oblem is th a t most of th e peop le in t he gh etto simp ly do not sh are in any \\·ay in the life of t h e ci ty . Their ali en a tion is an eno r mous spir itu al wa ll built u p of uncountable

and ancient indignities; it is the wall of the city. The problem is to break down the wall. Dr. King, when he opened his civil rights drive here two days before hell broke loose, thought he had at least part of the machinery to break down the wall. But the riot, which illuminated society's flaws, also illuminated some serious weaknesses in Dr. King and his approach. The first thing that became evident was that in Chicago Dr. King, the patron saint of non-violence, was leading a collection of local civil rights groups whose leaders include a few pretty violent people. This problem results from a structural weakness in the King method. Dr. King's Southern Christian Leadership Conference suffers from a lack of troops and thus it is plagued by indiscriminate recruitment when it enters a city. In a big city like Chicago, where there are 900,000 Negroes and only a percentage of these favor Dr. King, the flaw can be fatal. Little Influence

Dr. King very quickly discovered he had little influ ence in the West Side community. When he walked the streets on the first night of riot pleading for non-violence some young Negroes laughed at him . When his aides showed films this past spring of the Watts riots to illustrate the danger of violence, some youths applauded. Youth gang leaders who met with Dr. King as the riots subsided on the night of July 15 said they might turn to nonviolence and again they might not. Some of these gang leaders told a reporter they had met several times with SCLC officials long before the riots, but Dr. King had no program for them , so the youths gave up on him. One of them called him a "hit-and-run m essiah. " His prestige suffered enormously in the Chicago riots. The Sunday before the uproar started, he had stood in Soldier Field and debated non-violence as against "black power " with none other than Floy d McKissick of the Congress of Racial Equality, the preach er oi black power. The riot cooled that philosophical a rgument permanently, on e gathers. For th e riot has turned not onl y the whites aga inst Dr. King, but the Negro power structure as well; and his ci vil rights movement he re is in immedi a te dan ger of passing into th e hands of the old-time politicians. Dr. King finds himself in the position of either becoming the high priest of all the poor and only the poor, or getting out, quickly. In either case, he has been pus hed-violently if y ou will-in the direction of the McKissick position, th a t Negro rights must inv olve Negro political power. Further, no matte r how much Dr. King protests that hi s Chicago drive is not partisan a nd not v iolent, the riot exposed clearly tha t many of the people around him are ve ry pa rti sa n a nd a few a re v iol ent. Violen t and Non-Violent

One of his top ai des, t he Rev. J a mes Bevel, told alm ost 50,000 people at the J u ly 10 ra lly tha t "we wa n t the violent and the n on-violent to join w ith us." Tha t seems pretty straigh tforward . Among the pe rsons a tten d ing a con fere n ce with the mayor th e clay before the r iots started was Ch ester Rob inson of th e West Side Organi zati on , · a loca l civ il r ights grou p. R obi nson is n ot person ally a v iolent man, but hi s h ead qu a rters h as becom e a con venient gath ering

�voices by financing community action programs seeking to involve the poor in the solution of their own difficulties, was shouted down in April w h en he attempted to address a conference called by the Citizens Crusade Against Poverty . At the time, he said a ha ndful of "professional demonstrators" were tryin g to make trouble. His attitude now, at least for publication, is that su ch confrontations are a positive thing. "It's time," h e says, "that the poor speak up for their n eeds." · Joe P . Maldonado, executive director of th e county's antipoverty vehicle, the Economic and Youth Opportunities Agen cy, who also has been subjected to insulting personal abuse, shares this opinion in essence. Governmental Confusion

Infuriated by governmental confusion a n d political machinations which seem to dull the promise of antipoverty programs, the poor s trike out at anybody w ho represents the "powe r structure." Their more vocal m embers appear dete rmined to take over and make changes th emselves. Speaki ng of certain manifestations of the so-called revolt of the poor, J ames E. Ludlam, president of the Welfare Planni ng Council, a trad itional agency, told anti poverty board m embers that a vocal minority "grounded in militancy a nd confl ict" was trying to capture control of antipoverty programs. He said t h ese militan t elements are given to threats of violence, disru ption of meetin gs and " infiltration a nd subversion of staff decisions." Bu t the Rev. Wi lliam Hervey, director of the Department of Metropolitan Mi ssion for the Los Angeles Presbytery, responds th a t militancy is n ecessary in the fight aga inst "man 's mos t dehuma nizin g enemy-poverty." Old weapons cannot be used to fight a n ew war, argues Mr. Hervey, referring to the traditional welfare agencies. He agrees that many of those castigated by Ludlam are "grounded in militancy and involved in conflict ," but h e could not agree that their actions were totally n egat ive. One of the intriguing prospects in all this is that some of today's revolutionists, like others of history, w ill become part of the " power structure" themselves once they gain control. Then, presumably, they will regard t h emselves as " responsible" a nd will find themselves facing the fury of n ew revolutionaries. One man w ho believes the often-irresponsible accusations by the poor a re a n ecessary part of progress is Dr. J. A lfred Cannon , a UCL A neuropsychiatrist who works w ith a group ca lled P eople in Community Action. Dr. Cannon, a Negro, says, "Anytime you h ave a group of people who are relative strangers, on e way they have of testing each other might be through initial demands or angry confrontations. It's a way of finding out how genuine the other person is. "Often this kind of confrontation . . . paves th e way for more constructive, gentle exchanges.

"Shouting at a public official ... is a demonstration that the poor a n d minorities have the strength and power to be able to challenge th e 'big chief.' This is very important, because they can see their effectiveness in some kind of action. It leads to a sense of worthwhileness and adequacy ... and a potency which the poor generally don't h ave." 'Feeling of Participation'

This is the beginning, says Dr. Cannon, "of the poor man's _feeling of participation in his own destiny, a very importa nt strut in his h ealth." Bitterness over the fa ilure of the war on poverty to deliver immediate results, a nd disillusionment over the administration of welfare programs have ti:iggered a statewide-even a nationwide-effort by th e poor to organize. With the backing of the Univers ity of California Extension , the Sears Foundation, and two privately organized advisory agencies-the California Foundation for Economic Opportunity a nd the California Center for Community Development-a first California Convention of the Poor was held in Oakland in F ebruary. This led to the June con vention in Fonta na, attended by representati ves of slum tenant councils, welfa re recipien t groups and community action movements around the state. Out of t he Fontana con vention , Dr. Jacobus tenBroeck, a UC pol itical science professor and former chairma n of the State Social Welfa re Board, emerged w ith the task of g iving some organi zational sophistica tion to the more tha n 20 W elfare Rights Organizations w hich a re loosely joined in thi s movement. A convention is planned this fall to develop a legislati ve program, clearly aimed at mounting a lobby for cha nges in welfare and other laws affectin g the poor. Welfare Recipients

Rema rkably, in view of widespread conviction among the gene ra l pu blic that most w elfare recipients wou ldn't work if th ey cou ld, some of the loudes t protests in recent W elfare R ights Organiza tion de monstrations were that the present system " makes it imposs ible for us to work our way off we lfare." " If you don't h ave poor people in on the soluti ons," says Dr. TenBroeck, "you misgauge w ha t the problems a nd their attitudes are. "They flai l, they shout, they a re quite unreason a b le," con cedes Dr. Ten Broeck. "Thi s is therapy a nd steam-valving. Unless you prov ide some way to let off their futility, we're s itting on a lid we ought not to s it on- as y ou see in W a tts. "It's not a matter of wh ether we enjoy it-bu t w h e the r we're going to make it possible for those wh o a re deprived t o cease to be dep r ived. "They want the rest of us to slide into the back ground as t hey get on their feet a nd get organ ized . And t hat's th e way it sh ould be."

�June 19, 196 8

Mr . Frank Ro ug hton In titute of Communi cativ of the Methodist Chur c h 1279 Oxford Road, N . E . Atlanta, Georgia 30366

Arts

Dear Mr . Roughton : I have received from Mayor Ivan Allen your letter addressed to him of June 17th reg rding your suggestion for a ymphonic drama on the truggle of the Ne gnn in America, with con tructio n for . ame of an amphitheatre, a a memorial to Dr. Martin Luther King , Jr. Thi ha been brought to my atte ntion in my capacity a chairman of our Aldermanic King Memori 1 Committee . At the out et, I would like to xpress ppreciation foi- your intere t in tbi matt r and to tell you th t I feel your ide ia mo t appropri te a.nd would be xtrem ly me nlngful. Actually, one of Mra . King'• auggeationa for incorpor tion ln th memorial w ar planning was long thi line.

Ae you have probably le rned f:rom the v rioue new m dia, our committe - and •ub equ ntly th Board of Aldermen - h t k n a po ltion supporting living, productive m morial as in contr at to •omething like statue or a str et naming: and we have call d On the federal government to a• tat in the dev lopment of nation 1 memorial with ver 1 working facilitie in th rea of Dr. King's birthpl ce and mother church round Auburn Avenu -.nd Boul va.rd. We al o h ve n ordlnanc befor our Zoning Committ e ref rred to it by the Board of Alderm n at ita meeting Monday which would c 11 for design tion of thi are • an 11 hietoric district" , which is our fir t at p in order to pre• rve the ch r cter of some of the n ighborhood nd to protect it from other d velopmentt until we ar in a poeltion to make aetu 1 acqwaition. It i8 my opinion that in the near futur we will probably work

�.Mr . Frank Roughton

June 19, 1968

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toward the e tablishment of a prestige national bo rd o{ trustees, a suggested by Mrs . King, which bo rd would probably have the responsibility o( d eciding on pecific facilities to be incorporated in the development . At the next meeting of our committee I will bring your communication to their attention and will k ep you advised a to our progress .

Sincerely,

~~

Sam Ma svell,

SMJr:nd cc:

Mr . Martin Luther King, Jr . The Hon . Ivan Allen, Jr . (Attn: Mr . Dan Sweat)

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questions have arisen as to the P,, t,,re roles nlaved by white . :,. I •

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Ne'g ro ;i;i so·nJehow incapable of liberating ouL of the

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A111erican experience.

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In the

books that children read, whites are always "good" ( good symbols

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language is ref~rred to as a "dialect", and Black people in this country

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are "evil" are seen as "savages" in movies , their

a.re supposedly descended from savages. ,

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Any white pe~son . . . . . who comes. into the Mov~ent has these concepts

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in his mind about Black people, if ·only subconsciously.

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escape them because the whole society has geared his subconscious in I

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that direction.

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Miss ~merica coming from Mississippi has a chance to represent

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all of America·, but a Black person from neiflre r Mississippi or New '

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York will ev_e r represent Arr.erica. So that white people coming int o the

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-we>rd "black", cannot relate to the "Nitt'y Gritty", canno t r elate t o the experience that brought such a word into b e ing, cannot relate to

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Mov~rnen~ canno_t relate to the Black experience, cannot relat e t o t he

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chitte.rlings, hog's head cheese, pig feet, ham hocks , and ca nnot •

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relate to slavery, because these things are not a part of their experience •

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T h_ey a lso cannot relate to the ,B l a ck religious experience, nor to the

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Black c hur ch unless , of course, this chu r ch has taken on white

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. manife s ta t i ons • Negroes in t his country hav e never been allowed to organize them-

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selves because of white interference.

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As a r esult of this, the ster-

eotype has been r~infX>rced that Blacks cannot organize t h e m s elv es. T he white psych~logy that Blacks have to be watc h e d, als o reinforces

'

I

t his s t ereotype ,

Blacks, in fact, fee l in t imidated ~y the presence

of whit e s, because of their k nowledge of the p ower that whites have over .,

their lives. ,One whit e pers·on can' come into a meeting of Black people . _. . ,.·. ....· . . . _·: _ ·..• _:t

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·and.. cha~ge the complexion of tha.t ...meeting, whereas one Black person .. . . . . . . . . '

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w9_u ld not change the complexion_of that meeting unless he was an ,

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.People would immediately start talking about

"brotherhood", "love".; etc.; race would not be discussed. l

If people must express themselves freely, there has to be a climate

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· are not liable to vent the rage that they feel about whites in the presence

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in which they can do this. If Blacks feel intimidated by whites, then they

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organize, i.e., the broad masses of Black people.

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of whites---especially not the Black people whom we are trying to

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. .., be created whereby Blacks can express themselves.

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A climate has to The reason that

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whites must be _e xcluded is not that one is anti-white, but because

.

the efforts that one is trying to achieve cannot succeed because whites

r. '._have an intimidating . . .

effect.

Oft times the intimidating effect is in

direct proportion to the amount of degradation that Black people have

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suffered at the hands of white people. It must be offered that white people who desire change in this country .-

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should go. where that problem (of racism) is most manifest.

That

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p;-oblem is not in the Black community.

The white people should go

into whi~e communities where the whites have created power f or the ••

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express of denying Blacks hlllman dignity and self-determination. Whites who come into the Black community with ideas of change seem

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to want to absolve the power structure of its r~sponsiblity of what it

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is doing, and saying that change can only come through Black unity,

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which is only the worst kind of paternalism.

This is not to say that

whites have not had an important role in the-Movement.

In the case

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of Mississippi, their role was very key in that they helped give Blacks

,, :

.

I

the right to organize, but that rcle is now over, and it should be. 1.

People now have the right to picket, the right to give out l eaflets, ,.

the right to vote, the right to demonstrate, the right to print• .

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These things which revolv·e around the right to organize have been

•I•

. accomplished mainly because oftthe entrance of white ·people· into

.,

Mississippi• - i~ :the ·aummer of '6~. i Since these goals have now been , ... :

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accomplished, the.ir (whites) role in the Movement has now ended. ,.

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What does it mean if Black people, once having the right to organize,

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are not allowed to organize themseives? It means that Black's ideas

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wnites are the '~b~·ichls" behind the Movement .and Blacks cannot

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function without whites.

This only serves to perpetuate existing a tti t ude s

within the existing society, i.e., Blacks a.re "du~b", "unable to

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Further

(white participation) means in. the eyes of the Black community that

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Shouldn1 t people be able t o

organiz_e . themse,l ves? Blacks should be . given this right. ,.

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about inferiority are being reinforced.

.•

take care of business", etc.

Whites are iN.na.rt", the "brains" behind

everything.

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How do Bla cks rela te to other Blacks as su ch? ' How do we react I

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. ;, . ·to Willie Mays as against Mickey Mantle? ~

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What is our response to

Mays hitting a home-run against Mantle performing t he same deed? Is our interest in baseball ordered by our appreciation of t he ar tis try of the game, or is it ordered by .the participation of Neg roes in

· ,,. · · Baseball? One has to come to the conclusion t hat it is be caus e of ·· .

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Black pc3;rticipatiori in baseball.

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. because of Jackie Robinson 1 s efforts with the Dodge r s.

Negro es

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would i n s tinctively champion all- Black t e.:im s if t h ey opposed all-

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white o r p r edom i nate_ly white t e a ms.

The same p rinciple operates

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for the Move ~ e 11t as it does fo r baseb all: a mystique must be created whereby Negroes can identify with the Movement. Thus an all-Black project is needed in order for the people •

themselves. ,.

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This has to exist from the beginning.

what can be called "coalition politics".

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to

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This relates to '

There is no doubt in our

· minds that sane whites a;i:e just as disgusted with this system as

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we are.

But it is meaningless to talk 'about coalition if the r e is no

.

one to align ou'rs ·e lves• ·with, because of the lack o! organi:i.a~ion i n

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the white communities.

there can be no ·talk -of "hookingcoupj' unless

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Black people organize Blacks and white people organize whites.

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are going in the same direction- talks about exchange of personnel, ·

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coalition, and other m .eaningful alliances can be discussed. .,

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whereby we thought that our problems revolved around the right to

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In the beginning of the Move·m ent; ~e had fallen into a trap

. '

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eat at certain lunch counters or the right to vote, dr to organize

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If

these conditions are met, then perhaps at some later date- and ii we

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communities. . . deeper.

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have seen, however, that the problem is much

The probietn of this country, as we had seeh it, concerned i

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old Blacks and old whi~es (and therefore) if decisions were left . to 't~~ young people, theh solutions would be arrived at. negates the history of Black people and whites.

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But this

We have dealt

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stringently with the proble ili of "Uncle Tom·", but we have not yet . 'gotten ~round to .Simon Legree.

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real vil~ian? '

We ·must ask ourslves who is the

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Uncle Tom or Si~on Legree? Everybody knows

Uncle T6m, but who knows Simon Legree?

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So \k.rhat we have now (in SNCC) is i

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~

closed so~iety.

A clique.

.

· Black people cannot relate t,.:, SNCC, because of its unrealis tic, non racial atmosphere; denying their experiences of America as a racist society.

In contrast, SCLC has a staff that at least maintains a

Black facade.

The front office is virtually all-Black, but nobody

accuses SCLC of being 'racist". ...,~' .

If we are to procee d towards t r ue liberation, we must cut ourselves off from white people ••• We must form our own institutions, credit

1,.. ••

. -~.

unions, co-ops, political parties,· write our ,own histories.

Dne

illustrating·.· example, is the SNOC "Freedom Primer". Blacks cannot relate to that book psychologi.,,ally~ because white people wrote it and, therefore it pre~ents a white viewpoint. _ · To proceed f~rther, let us make some comparisons_ be tween the .,/

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Black Movement of the ( early) 1900 1 s and the Movement of the 1960 1 s --- the NAACP with SNCC.

Whites subverted the Niagra

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Movement whichr at the outset, was an all-Black Movement.

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name of the new organization was also very revealing, in that it il;..

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presupposed that Blacks have to be advanced to the level of whites. We are now aware that the NAACp has grown reactionary, is controlled by the power-structure itself, and stands as one of the •.main roadblocks to black freedom.

.,.

SNCC, by allowing the whites to remain

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in the organizati~n, can have its ·efforts subverted in the same manner;

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i.e., through having '·them play important roles such as community

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· organizers, etc., · Indigenous leadership cannot be built with whites in O

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the positions ·they now hold. These £acts do not mean that whites cannot help.

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icipate on a voluntary basis.

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They can part-

We can contract work out to them, but

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in no way can they participate on-a policy-making level • The cha_rge may be made that we are "racists", · but whites who

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If persons insist on remaining because of their

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longevity, or because they have feelings that we are indebted to them.

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are sensitive to our problems will realize that we must determine

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We, as Black people, must re-cv:aluate our history, our ideas of

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self, the world, Africa and her contributions to

mankind.

We

must take the credit for our contributions to this society _and to the

·, • '<'

world.

Credit will be given to white people where it is due, but ·

surely our contributions must .be given credit.

I

These. myths ( of

inferiority and "savager~ ) must be broken by,' Black people, so .

.

.

'

that no mistake can be. made about who is accomplishing what for whom.

This is one way to ·break the myths. ' As to the charge of "Black racism", as against white supremacy:

.

·;

we can say .that the racial makeup of any organization does .not a:nake_ it racist, i.e., , supreme court makeup of all white judges, Black

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churches and Black businesses being all Black. The naming of the n_ewapaper, "Nitty-Gi-itty", which ae_rvcd to polarize the feel-

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. ings of race, illustrated in a very graphic manner the attitudes that whites have

towards cultural aspects of our society. •,

The whites were opposed to the name

and Blac-ks were affirmative on the issue.

... .;

The alternative was the

11

surely such a name could not speak to the needs of grass-roots Black peopl e • Black people can say to the "Nitty-Gritty": I can see mrself there.

Can .say to

Mays hitting a home run: I see _m yself there. ; Can say t~ the Atlanta Proj ect:

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I see myself there f

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' =====:::==:::========-=========l One point I would lik~ to f:'r.'it,:1.::.;:.l s is the failure on the

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part o-.f conscious whites ancl Rlae, 1;;., :~n cleRling with the

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American reality in terms of differences.

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to emphasize t~e analysis of the differences bet~een Black and

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We are beginning

white people. There has been an escap~st attitude on the pa~t of SNCC

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of )143.215.248.55ing at the problem as if race did not matter. --~~,.. -:,..,~

This

negates the special history of Black people in this country,

1·.

. ·. .':..

.-_mainly the slavery period and the inhumRn forms of segregat- · · ion we have been forced to su~fer.

~nether important point

is that most Blacks and whites tend to view ~lacks in the

light of _the my-th e that the power s true ture has ore a ted and perpetrated in this country.

Black people are considered as

"citizens" along the same lines as white people

in

this count-

ry, when in reality, Black people are a semi-colonialized people, victims ·o r a domestic colonialism.

.. ,.

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Our introduction·

into this country occured during the same time as the partition of Africa and Asia by the European powers, so that the American ins.t i tut ion of · slav.ery was, too , _ a form of

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Western Colonialism. . ,,'1·

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Therefore Black people in this country

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afift in the same way as ao other colonial p~i;:.ples to their environment and experience, but the myths of America labels

.

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them citizens which is an unreal attitude. Also, one of the main blocks in terms of Black self-

/

recognition antl self-identification in this c9untry has been I

interference f~om the dominant white society. '.

.

From the 1900's

to the priesent time Afro-Amer-ican writers and thinlcers have had to contend with the encroachment

.

of white intellectuals

upon 'l:;heil" culture arid . upon ·~;heir thou 6 hts.

t·ot ·o·nly cH:d the

white inte11ectua1s .·encroaoh upon their thought and culture

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of racism and paternalism so that Black culture

was potrayed as something being base, second-r~te or below the culture of the United States, which was consi<'lered ."serious"

'

or "real 11 • music.

'

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This music which is rooted in the whole experience

of .our people in this country was not even named by Black

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One grap_hic example of this is modern Afro_;, American

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·p eople.

Modern Afro-American music

is named

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jazz", which

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is a term that is derived from white · American society.

It

is w~{te ~iang to~ sexual intercourse; so that otir musid ~hich

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mo.y- be called the maii1stram of our culture ·was l<'.lolced upon

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" as being :base and second~r at a or dirty and containing aen-

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sousness, sexuality a nd other exoticisms.

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This however

says mo~e about the white American psyche than it does about aspects of Afro - American culture.

One of the c~!ticisms of wh i t e mili t a nts and radicals is that when we ~iew the masses of white people we view the ov~rall reali ty of Americ a , we view the racis~, the b i gotry , a.nd the dis tortion of pe r s onal i t y, we view .man's inhumanity t o man; we view in reality 180 million r ac is t s. white int ol~c tual

and rad i c al

The sepsit i ve

who is figh t ing to bring ·

about change is c onscious . of t his f act, but does no t have ,_:i ...

_; t he courage to admit this.

Whe n. he admi ts this reality,

t he n he must also admit his invol veme nt bec aµse -he is a par.t /

of the colle c t1ve white Amer ic a. ,,

I t is onl,Y t o t he extent that

he recognizes this that he will be able to change this _reality. Another concern is how does· the white radical view the Black Community and .how does he view the_ poor white community in terms of' organizing.

So far, we have found that most white r-ad-lcals

have sought · to escape· the horrible reality of' America by going

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·into the Black Com~unity and attempting to organize Black

.people while neglecting the o~g~nlzation of their pwn

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• . •:

. ' , people's racist communities.

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.

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How can one clean up some-

.: _.one el~lly'a~d when one's own yard is untidy? ..

.. i'eel that

SNCd

Again we

and the civil rights movement in general is

. in many aspects similar to the anti-colonial situations in tbe African and Asian countries. · we have the whites in the .Movement corresponding . to the white civil servants and mis-

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' sionaries in the colonial countries who have worked with the

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colonlal people for a long period of time and have developed 1· ,

· -a paternalistic attitude toward them.

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The reality :or the

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colonial peopli taking over their own lives ana controlling

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their own destiny must he faced.

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Eaving to move aside and

letting this natural process of growth and development ta~:Cing ~

'.

place must l:>e faced.

These views should not be equated with

outside influence or outside agitation hut should be -view~d · as the natural process of growth and . development within a ·movement; so that the move by the Black militants iri iSNCC in this direction should be viewed as a turn towards s elf-dete rmina t i on. I t i s very ironic and curiouE how ~·ar e whi t e s in this c ount_ry c an champion anti - coloni ali sm in othe r countries in _. Af rica, As i a , a nd Lat in Ame r i c a , but when Black people move •

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towards simila r goals of s elf- det e_rmina tion ;1n thi~ country

,,

they are viewed· as· racists a nd anti-white by these same pro1

gressive whites.

In proceeding further, · i~ can be said that

this attitude - de~ives from-the overall point of view of the white .psyche · as 'it ; concerna the black people~ · This attitude ·· ·stems · 'troni- the EH'~ of the slave ·revolts· ·when every- white ·: man y • ' I ,

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-~ was a potential deputy o~ sheriff or guArdian of the State ~ ..-.. .. ·,

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Because wh~n Black people ~ot toget her among themselves to work

out the~r problems, it be6ame a threat to white pe~ple, becau~e

.

such meetings were _potentiat slave revolts~

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ed that this attitude or way 'of thinkirtg has 'perpetuated itself· to this current pe~iod and that it is part of the psyche of .

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.

white people in this country whatever their political per-

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It uan be maintain- .

. . .

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suasion might be. ~

..

It is part 6~ the white fear-gui~t com-

-~. . plex -.1·esult-ing from the slave revolts.

There have be'en

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examples of whiteR who stated that they can oeal with black

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fellows on an individual b~sis but become threatened· or

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, . men·a oed by the presence of groups of Blacks..

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I t can be main-

te.1.ned that this attitude is held by the majority of progress-

I

ive ~bites in this country. It is a very grave error to mis t ake Blac!t se1.f'-asse r t :ic::o.

£or

racism or Black supremacy.

Black people in th i s count r y .·

more so than th~ colonial people~ .of the world know wha~ it ,J,

means to be ~ictims of racism, bigotry, and s lave ry.

..•:

Real-

i zing our predictame nt f rom these inhuman a tt itud es i t would be r idiculous for us to turn around and perpet~ate the same reacti onary outlook on other people.

We mor e than anyone

else realize the i mportanc e of achie ving the type of society, . the type of world whereby people can be viewed as human be·ings. The means of reaching these goals must be, h9wever, from the

.!

point of view of respecting the differences~etween peoples a I

and cultures and not pretending that everyone· is the s ame and the refusal to respect differences is one of the reasons that · ·,1 .I : .

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t he w9rld is exploding today~

Also expa nding upon t he ni ffer-

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. perpetuating the myth of white ·supremacy. "'

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One is s:3-ying

that Blacks have nothing to contribute, and should be willing

.

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to assimilate into the mainstream of Great white civilization,

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A through re•examination must be made by hladk people concerning the ' contributions that we have made in shaping

If this re•examination and re-evalttation is not

this .country.

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i.e. the west.

made, and Black people are not given their proper due and

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respect, then the antagbnisms and contradictions a~e going to become more and more glaring, more and more intense until a

·::

national explosion may resu~t.

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When people attempt to move from these conclusions it

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would be faulty reasoning to say they are · ordered by racism,

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We all know the ha.voe that this has created through -

The r~ fore any re-evaluation that we must make will, for

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people.

this country.

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· ·. ioned as a type of white nationalism whe n dealing with Black

out the world and particularly among non-white people i n

!

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because, in this country and in the west, Racism has· funct •

. ..

·I

the mos t part, deal with identifica tion.

Who a r e Black

people; wha t are Black pe ople; what is their relationship

., r - •.

r

.

to America and the World?

·.1

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,

It must be repe a t ed that t he whole myth . of "Negro CitizenI

ship"~ perpetuated by the Hhite Power Elite, ,has confused the j

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thinking of radical and progressive blacks and whites in this country.

The broad masses of Black people react to American

Society in the same manner as colonial peoples react to t he

.

v

west in Africa, and Latin American, and have the same r elationship - ·that

or .

the oolonized towards.· the colonizer. ·, - -·- . ... . -~- .. ...:.. ,: . .. .. . ; .

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an attempt tb resolve an internal crises that it'

now .c onf~ ·~tin~ SNCC, the B1A.ck-nhi ta issue ( which is

.· ;

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t

caui;inc: eruptions that e.rr: S'3riously hamp0rinr our strur;p:le

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.

for self- dotorm.ination) MUst now be dealt with. In an analysis of our history in . this country, we have ·..,.

been forced to come to the conclusion

that 400 years of

.. · oppression and slavery suffered in this country by our Black forebears parallels in a very r,raphic way tho opprossion and colonization suffered by the African people.

'lhe questions

can be rightfully asked, v,hat part did tho white colonizers !

·. '-

4'

·j· . .

play .in the liberation· of independent .'\.frican Nations; who

.

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I

were the . ar;i-tators for .'\.frican independence? . /mswers . · to those . , ..

· questions c.o mpel us to believe that our strurGle for .liberat-

i•

.

• .

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. ion ~nd self- determknation cen o~lr be c~rried out effect- .. ively by Black people.

'

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'Ibo necessity o} dealinr, with the question of identity

1

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is of prime importance in our own strn ~r:le.

•J

destruction of our links to Afric'a, the cultu ral cut-off of

I

The . systematic

'

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Blacks in this country from Blacks in Africa are not situat-..

·! .

ions that conscious Black people in this country are willing to accept. , Nor are conscious Black people in this country

,.

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wil~inG to accept an ~ducational system· that teaches all

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· aspec ts of western civilization and dismisses our Afro-

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American contribution with one week of inadequate information. (Necro History Week) and deals with _nfrica not at all. Black I

people are net willini to align themselves with a western culture ·that daily emasculates our beauty, our pride and our _

' .i I

manhood.. It follows that white people boin~ part of western

i

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.· civicization in a way .that Black people ~ould never be are

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totally indequate ,to . deal with Black identity which is' key '!

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to our strur~le for s~lf-deternination.

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\'lhen it _c omes to the question of or:-anizing Black people., · 1

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we nrust insist that the people wl10 come in cpntact with the . 11lack masses .,re not white people who, no matter what their

-

. ..

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.

. liberal leaninr.;s ere, are not equipped to dispel the myths of
western superiority,.

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V/hite people only serve to perpetuate

~

.· '. these myths; rather, orranizing must he done by Black people •I\

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.

.

·_are able to see the beauty of themselves, are able to see the

.

· :. important cultural contributions of 11.fro-.~ mericans, are able

'

I' , •

. to s~e that this country was built upon the blood and backs of

a ~

.,

,, '

'•- ;

. our Black anc'.ls tors.

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-'·

·: that our or":aniza tion · ( SNCC) should he BlacJ staffed, Black

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: . ..:·: ;i· controlled

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In an attempt to find a .solution to ou~~ilema, we propose

.

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.

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·

end Biack financed.

We do not want to fall into a

similar dilema that other Civil Ri.ri:h ts or .r:,aniza tions. have fallen .. . · If we continue ta r3ly·upon ~hi to financinl support we will ·

find ourselves wntviined in the tentacles of the \~1hite power complex that controls this country.

It . is also important that

a Black or~a~ization '( devoid of cultis~ · ) be projected to our

I: _1 ,,

 !f

people so that it cen be demonstrated that srich orranizations

.' J

are viable. More and more we see Black people in this country being used as a. tool of the white liberal establishment. ii

..

I.;

I

Liberal

whit es have not bep.:un to address themselves to the real problems

I

'.·

of Bleck people .in this co .. ntry; witness th eir bewilderment, 1

fear and anxiety Wh'3n Nationalism_ is mentioned concerning Black people.

An analysis of th~ir (white liberal) reaction to the ·

word alone (Nationalism) re~eals a very meanin~ful attitude of whites or any ideolorical persuasion towards ~lacks in this

~- ,. .: ,·

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country •. . · i _t me~ns, t _h at previous so11.• tions to ;Black :problems •

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of those whites )

not in the best interest's of .: dealin(", with t;hooo problems · : Black peopla in this · country hnve beon made in the interests of ·: .

..

. ;;' . ,::

·.;' :

'._ those whites dealinr; with those problems and not in the. best · inter~stof Black people in this coPntry.

i .

.,

..

-~

'"/hi tes can only sub-

.. .:. vert our true search and strur:rle for self-determination, self-

f :. :. l

i : ', ·: ·

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identification, and liberation in this country.

R0_-evaluation

of the white and Black roles nrust NOW take place so that whites ' no longer designate roles that Black people play but rather

BlAck people define white people's roles. . ·•·'

To ionr, have we allowed white people to interprr.tt the

importance and meaniri~ of the cultural aspects of_ .our society,

.

'

'

I .

1 ·: '., . : :'. . .

I

have allowed. them to tell us what was p:obd a'bou t our .\ fro-

· -: · ~·ie

'. ·~<.- .- ; . '

l::,·. : .,· ·. ·. · ,'.: American nrusic·, art and literature.

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we have on the

,

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of the Black psyche ( except in the oppressor's role)

·.

. . interpret the meaning of the Blues to '

· ·. !

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us who are manifestations

of the son,:;s themse1V'3s?

I .

', _.,

How can a white person who is not

jazz" sc!'lne?

It nrust also be pointed out that on wha.tever level of con-

,, ~. ' 1

tact that "1lacks and v1hites .come to r,ethor, that meetinG .or•r--,n-

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whites is a reinforcoment of the myth of vrhite supremacy • .Vlhite~ nre · th,:i ones who must try to raise themselves to oµr humanistic I

,

ne are not, after all, the ones wh9 are responsible .

for a ~enoci da l war in Vietnam; we are not the ones who are

' l

I;

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I

responsible for Neo-Colonialism in Africa and Latin ~merica;

'it• '•

This only means that our everyday contac t with

/

.,

'.

level of whites.

level.

·i

'

frontation in not on the level of the Blacks but always on the

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�A STATEMENT OF PURPOSE AND A PLAN OF ACTION FOR ATLANTANS CONCERNED ABOUT RIOTS, THEIR CAUSES AND THEIR CONSEQUENCES We, the undersigned Atlantans, are deeply concerned about the riots which have occurred in our nation with increasing frequency and with mounting violence! We are concerned about the consequences of continued rioting and believe that the deterioration of human relations could do greater damage than the loss of mater ial things if we fail to bring an end to the riots and. the conditions which spawn them. We commend to every thoughtful citizen who believes in law and order and in human progress the recently released Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. Whether one would agree absolutely with its methodology or the conclusions of the commission, we believe the report contains food for thought and suggestions for action which merit consideration. The report is a good point of reference and basis for discussion and action. We are convinced that neither studies nor resolutions nor good intentions alone will suffice. We believe that all of the religious leaders of metropolitan Atlanta should act now to bring an end to conditions in our midst which create despair, contribute to human degradation and fuel violence. We, therefore, commit ourselves to assist in the task of transforming our urban area that, insofar as our abilities and resources permit, we shall endeavor to respond . to this urban crisis and help create a city where there is personal safety for all persons and property and where there is reason for hope and opportunity for individual growth and dignity for every citizen. To do this, there are many things which we believe must be done. There must be a pooling of all resources - a coordinated effort by rich and poor, by affluent and depressed citizens, by leaders in religion and education, in business and the professions, in industry and labor, in government, and in all walks of life to meet our citizens needs in the following areas: Police Protection

Every citizen is entitled to· be secure in his person and property and to fair treatment by law enforcement officials; and, in turn, eGCh citizen has a duty to obey the law and support and cooperate with police officials.

�Education

Every citizen must have the opportunity for equal educational opportunity - lmowledge of one's rights and duties, education for employment, and for living - the essentials to a society of law and order and human progress.

Housing

Every citizen must have access to decent housing. This goal adopted long ago has not been achieved, and there is yet to be obtained a climate in which every person will have equal opportunity for housing that he can afford.

Employment

There must be training for new jobs and retaining for other jobs in our changing technology, and there must be an end to discrimination against qualified persons based on sex, race, age or handicap.

As we see it, we must create new attitudes even more than we need to create new programs, but both are needed! To establish new attitudes we must begin with ourselves, our families, our churches and synagogues. Therefore, we commit ourselves to an effort to: 1. Carry on mutual interchanges in our churches with ministers and layman of all races discussing these critical areas of concern. 2. Preach and give courses within our own churches dealing with these areas. 3. Adopt and carry out special projects which contribute to the betterment of conditions in each of the foregoing areas, and encourage such things as positive support for day care centers, low cost housing corporations, health clinics, and training employment programs. In order to develop wide acceptance of our stated purpose and our plan of action,

we respectfully urge Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr. to issue invitations to Atlanta's political, economic and religious leaders, and to citizens representative of all areas of our urban community to attend a meeting sponsored by the undersigned with the Mayor serving as host. The purpose of the meeting will be to achieve in the Atlanta u rbru1 - - - - -- - - - -

�area an agreement on our stated purpose, and to arrange for a coordinated use of all possible resources. We seek a true and new commitment and to develop a simple connectional structure to carry out this commitment. We, by signing this resolution, do declare ourselves to be an inter-faith . committee, and authorize our designated representatives to visit the Mayor of the City of Atlanta and other local leaders of this area for the following purposes: 1. To offer the full support of ourselves as representatives of the religious

community of the urban area for coordinated effort in meeting the needs of every individual. 2. To fund a luncheon for leaders and representatives of both races at which time we could hear from Mayor Allen his suggestions as to how all availab}e resources might be coordinated to achieve our objectives. 3. To support a call for broader ministerial and lay leadership in subsequent meetings and projects. 4 . And to offer ourselves for service on any Council or Committee dealing with these critical areas. Finally, we invite all citizens to join with us in a commitment to our statement of purpo se and our plan of action, and we ask the help of Almighty God in this endeavor to transform and redeem our entire urban area.

Signed on This Day, Tuesday 2nd of April , 1968 '

�LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE ON CIVIL RIGHTS

))--8

J

ROY WILKINS, Chairman ARNOLD ARONSON, Secretary JOSEPH L. RAUH, JR., Counsel CLARENCE M. MITCHELL, Legislative Chairman MARVIN CAPLAN , Di rector Wash i ngtoh Office

'

2027 Mass. Ave., N.W., Washington, D. C. 20036 phone 667-1780

J. FRANCIS POHLHAUS, Special Consultant YVONNE PRICE, Executive Assistant •

New York address: 20 West 40th St., 'New York 10018, phone BRyant 9·1400

November 3, 1967

Hon. I van Allen, Jr. Mayor of Atlanta City Hall Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mayor Allen: I think the most recent MEMO of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights may be of inte rest to you, so I enc lose a copy. As you may know, the Conference is a coalition of 112 national organizations. Since these include many of the civil rights, religious , labor, and fraternal organizations that participate in the Urban Coalition, it occurred to me that you might like to be kept informed of the activities our gr oups enga g e in, and of the kind of l egislat iv e issues they support in advancing our goal of full "civil rights for all Americans through government action a t the national l e vel. 11 Accordingly, we are adding your name to our mailing list. Sinc erely your s .

Arnold Aronson, Secr etary

Enclosures

"Cooperation in t he Common Cause of Civi l Rights for All "

�PARTICIPATING ORGANIZATIONS AFR ICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH

NATIONAL BEAUTY CULTURISTS' LEAGUE, INC.

AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL ZION CHURCH

NATIONAL CATHOLIC CONFERENCE FOR INTERRACIAL JUSTICE

ALPHA KAPPA ALPHA SORORITY, INC.

NATIONAL CATHOLIC SOCIAL ACTION CONFERENCE NAT IONAL COMMUNITY RELATIONS ADVISORY COUNCIL

ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC.

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CATHOLIC MEN

AMALGAMATED CLOTHING WORKERS OF AMERICA

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CATHOLIC WOMEN

AMALGAMATED MEAT CUTTERS & BUTCHER WORKMEN

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES RELIGION & RACE

AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION AMERICAN ETHICAL UNION

COMMISSION ON

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR ORGANIZATIONS

CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF NEGRO WOMEN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PUERTO RICAN VOLUNTEERS, INC.

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF STATE COUNTY & MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF SENIOR CITIZENS, INC.

AMERICAN FE_DERATION OF TeACHERS

NATIONAL DENTAL ASSOCIATION

AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE

NATIONAL FARMERS UNION

AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS

NATIONAL FEDERATION OF CATHOLIC COLLEGE STUDENTS

AMERICAN NEWSPAPER GUILD

NATIONAL FEDERATION OF SETTLEMENTS & NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS

AMERICAN VETERANS COMMITTEE

NATIONAL FEDERATION OF TEMPLE SISTERHOODS

AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION

NATIONAL JEWl'SH WELFARE BOARD-\

ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE OF B'NAI B'RITH

NATIONAL MEDICAL ASSOCIA'TION

A. PHILIP RANDOLPH INSTITUTE

NATIONAL NEWMAN STUDENT FEDERATION '

BISHOP'S COMMITTEE FOR THE SPANISH SPEAKING

NATIONAL NEWSPAPER- PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION

B'NAI B'RITH WOMEN

NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR MEXICAN-AMERICAN SERVICES

BROTHERHOOD OF SLEEPING CAR PORTERS

NATIONAL ORGANl2'ATION FOR WOMEN

CHRISTIAN METH_DDIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH

NATIONAL SHARECROPPERS FUND

.'

CHURCH OF THE ,BRETHREN - BRETHREN SERVICE COMMiSSION ,..

.....

'

...

CHURCH WOMEN UNITED

NATIONAL UREi°AN LEAGUE

CITIZENS LOBBY FOR FREEDOM & FAIR PLAY

OMEGA PSI PHI FR'.°'TERNITY, INC. PHI BETA slGMA FRATifRNITY, tN'c.

DEL•TA SIGMA THETA

EPISCOPAL CHU .~ CH -

- •\

"

~

SORORITY

NEGRO AMERICAN LABOR COUNCIL

COLLEGE YCS NATIONAL STAFF ot • t ~ CONGRESS-OF RACIAL EQUALITY

L

~

PHI DEL TA KAPPA SORORl1"Y

-:

,

1

DIV{SIOJ'i OF CHRISTIAN CITiZENSHIP

P_IONEER WOMEN , AMERICAN AFFAIRS l:'RESBYTERIAN INTERRACIAL COUNCIL

EPISCOPAL_SOCIETY FOR CULTURAL AND RACIAL UWJ:.Y

RETAIL WHOLESALE & DEPARTMENT S°tORE UNION

FRANCISCAN JURISDICTION OF THE THIRD O~DER, OF _ST. FRANCIS

sournERf'.'I

FRONTIERS INTERNATIONAL

SOtJTHERN CHRISTIAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE

BEAurl

coNGR~ss. 1Nc.

HADASSAH

TEXTILE WORKERS UNION OF AMERICA

HOTEL AND RESTAURANT EMPLOYEES AND BARTENDERS INTERNATIONAL UNION

TRANSPORT WORKERS UNION OF AMERICA

IMPROVED BENEVOLENT & PROTECTIVE ORDER OF ELKS OF THE WORLD INDUSTRIAL UNION DEPARTMENT-AFL-CIO

UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST ASSOCIATION & RACE

INTERNATIONAL LADIES GARMENT WORKERS' UNION OF AMERICA

UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST WOMEN'S FEDERATION

INTERNATIONAL UNION OF ELECTRICAL RADIO & MACHINE WORKERS

UNITED AUTOMOBILE WORKERS OF AMERICA

IOTA PHI LAMBDA SORORITY, INC.

UNITED CHURCH OF CHRIST- COMMITTEE FOR RACIAL JUSTICE NOW

UNION OF AMERICAN HEBREW CONGREGATIONS COMMISSION ON RELIGION

JAPANESE AMERICAN CITIZENS LEAGUE

UNITED CHURCH OF CHRIST- COUNCIL FOR CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ACTION

JEWISH LABOR COMMITTEE

UNITED HEBREW TRADES

JEWISH WAR VETERANS

UNITED PACKINGHOUSE, FOOD & ALLIED WORKERS

LABOR ZIONIST ORGANIZATION OF AMERICA

UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH -

COMMISSION ON RELIGION & RACE

LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY

UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH -

OFFICE OF CHURCH & SOCIETY

LUTHERAN CHURCH IN AMERICA- BOARD OF SOCIAL MINISTRY

UNITED RUBBER WORKERS

MEDICAL COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

UNITED STATES NATIONAL STUDENT ASSOCIATION

NATIONAL ALLIANCE OF POSTAL & FEDERAL EMPLOYEES

UNITED STATES YOUTH COUNCIL

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE

UNITED STEELWORKERS OF AMERICA

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLLEGE WOMEN

UNITED SYNAGOGUE OF AMERICA

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLORED WOMEN'S CLUBS, INC.

UNITED TRANSPORT SERVICE EMPLOYEES

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF NEGRO BUSINESS & PROFESSIONAL WOMEN 'S CLUBS , INC.

UNIVERSITY CHRISTIAN MOVEMENT WOMEN ' S INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE FOR PEACE & FREEDOM

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REAL ESTATE BROKERS, INC.

WORKERS DEFENSE LEAGUE

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF SOCIAL WORKERS

WORKMEN 'S CIRCLE

NATIONAL BAPTIST CONVENTION . U . S. A.

YOUNG WOMEN 'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION OF THE USA

NATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION

ZETA PHI BETA SORORITY

�j

LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE ON CIVIL RIGHTS

ROY WILKINS, Chairman ARNOLD ARONSON, Secretary JOSEPH L. RAUH, JR., Counsel CLARENCE M. MITCHELL, Legislative Cha irman MARVIN CAPLAN , Director Wash i ngton Office J. FRANCIS POHLHAUS, Speci al Consultant

.'

'

YVONNE PRICE, Executive Assistant

2027 Mass. Ave., N.W., Washington, D. C. 20036 phone 667-1780

THE

LEADERSHIP

New York address: 20 West 40th St. , New York 10018, phone BRyant 9-1400

CONFERE N CE · ON

WHAT

I t S p e a ks F o r

IT

IS

AND

CIVIL

RIGHTS:

DOES

M i 11 i o .n s

In the las t 17 ye ars th e on Civil Rights has becom e

a

L eade .rship C o n fere nce

u n iq ue s pok es ma n :

voice for 112 nation a l o rganiz a tio n s gether to urge ne w c i v i l when they pres s f o r

t he

when they jo i n t o -

ri g hts laws upon Con gre s s

and

s tr o ng erifo:rcement of exi sti ng l a ws .

Th e Co nference is a coalition of ma j or civi l rights,

labor,

religi ou s ,

w ho se s t r eng t h lies in it s

civ i c

and fraterna l groups

unity o

Wh e n

the Conf e ren c e

c omes ou t in support of a p e n di ng bi l l or urges a of act i on up on t h e

gover n m rant ll

co urse

it spea ks o n beh alf of

mil l ions of A mericans of all ra c e s

9

creeds,

re ligions,

and ethnic grou ps and from all walks of life o It s

P urpose In it s

statement of pur pose ll

clares itself as

~'a v oluntary ll

the C onf eren ce de-

nonpartisan ass ociation

of autonomous national organizati o ns see king to advance

"Cooperat ion in the Common Cause of Civil Rights for All"

�PARTICIPATING ORGAI\JIZATIONS AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH

l~ l\T ONAL E c.AU TY CULTURISTS' LEAGUE, INC.

AFRICAN METHODIST EP ISCOPAL ZIO N CHURCH

~,AT O~",L CA I HOLIC CONFEREN CE FOR INT ERRACIAL JUSTICE NI, T ld~;'IL Ch T1 1 J LIC SOCIAL ACTION CONFERENCE

ALPHA KAPPA ALPHA SORORITY, INC.

••;:,[ ,n

ALPHA PH I ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC. N

AMALGAMATED CLOTHING WORKERS OF AMERICA

TIO',Al C~l'· V L OF CATHOLIC WOMEN

/\MALGA MATED M EAT CUTTERS & BUTCHER WORKMEN

,,

AMER l.,AN CIVI L LIBERTIES UNION

, ~-'1/.l ~01, •~ IL OF CH URCHES-COMMISSION ON Fi E.LI, ION e. R4CE

N ,TIONAl. COuNCI L OF JEWISH WOMEN

/\Ml:. RICAN ETHICAL UN ION ' AM ERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR ORGAN IZATIONS

c,NITY RELATIONS ADVISORY COUNCIL

10·,;,L C ,L'l'CIL OF CATHOLIC MEN

CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL

i-lAflO~ ,L COLJ NCIL OF NEGRO WOMEN NA1 IONi\l..COUNCIL OF PUERTO RICAN VOLUNTEERS, INC.

Al\1EfllCAN FEDERATION OF STATE COUNTY & MUNICIPAL EM PL OYEES

1

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS

N Ai .CN , L DENTAL ASSOCI ATION

AMERICAN JEWIS H COMM ITTEE

NA:!ONAl FA'lfo,lERS UN ION

AM ERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS

NATIO~ AL FEDERATION OF CATHOLIC COLLEGE STUDENTS

ATlvl\ \L CC U ', CI L OF SENIOR CITIZENS, INC.

A M ERICAN NEWSPAPER GUI LD

NATIQ;-.; ' '- H JtRAT ION OF SETTLEMENTS & NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS

AMF.R ICAN VETERAN S COMMITTEE

I\AT1C'N"'L I- -DE RATION OF TEMPLE SISTERHOODS

AMER ICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION

NA 110'\AI .l [ V' ISH WELFARE BOARD

AN1I DEFAMATION LEAGUE OF B 'NAI B'RITH

N ,l1C•NAL 1i1 EUiCAL ASSOCIATION N/,11r~,AL NEWMAN STU DENT FEDERATION

A . rHILIP RANDOLPH INSTITUTE

NA1 If NAL Nf:.VSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION

l3 1SHOP'S COMM ITTEE FOR T HE SPANISH SPEAKING

NA rit, t, AL ORGANIZATION FOR MEXICAN-AMERICAN SERVICES

B 'NAI B'RITH WOMEN

NI\T 10N L ORGAN IZATION FOR WOMEN

BROTHERHOOD OF SLEEPING CAR PORTERS

II/Al ICNAL SHARECROPPERS FUND

CHRI STIAN METHODIST EP ISCOPAL CHURCH ChL,RCH OF THE BRETHREN - BRETHREN SERVICE COMMI SS ION Cf•URC H WOMEN UNITED

O:V.EGA I- SI PHI FRATERNITY, INC.

C TIZENS LOBBY FOR FREEDOM & FAIR PLAY

l'h B l:.TA SIGMA FRATERNITY, INC.

COLLEGE YCS NATIONAL STAFF

PH I DEL TA KAPPA SORORITY

CONGRESS OF RAC IAL EQUALITY

PIOla EER WOMEN, AMERICAN AFFAIRS

r LL TA SIGMA THETA SOROR ITY EP ISC OPAL CHURCH -

DIVISION OF CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP

PRE.SBYTERIAN INTERRACIAL COUNCIL RE1A IL WHOLESALE & DEPARTMENT STORE UNION

EPISCOPAL SOCIETY FOR CULTURAL AND RACIAL UNITY FRANCISCAN JURISDICTI ON OF THE THIRD ORDER OF ST. l"RANCIS

SOUTHERN BEAUTY CONGRESS, INC. SOUTHERN CHRISTIAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE

FRONTIERS INTERNATIONAL

· TEXTILE WORKERS UNION OF AMER ICA

HADASSAH

TRANSPORT WORKERS UNION OF AMERICA

HOTEL AND RESTAURANT EMPLOYEES AND BARTENDER S INTERNATIONAL UNION

UNION OF AMERICAN HEBREW CONGREGATIONS

IM PROVED BENEVOLENT & PROTECTIVE ORDER OF ELKS OF TH E YVOR LD INDUSTRIAL UNION OEPARTMENT-AFL-CIO INTERNATIONAL LADIES GARMENT WORKERS' UNION Of- AMER ICA INTERNATIONAL UNION OF ELECTRICAL RADIO & MAChlNF vv'OR K ERS

UNITAR IAN UNIVERSALIST ASSOCIATION -COMMISSION ON RELIGION & RACE U NITARIAN UNIVERSALIST WOMEN'S FEDERATION U N ITED AUTOMOBILE WORKERS OF AMERICA UNITCD CHURCH OF CH HIST- COMM ITTEE FOR RACIAL JUSTICE NOW

IOTA PHI LAMBDA SORORITY, INC.

UN ITED CHURCH OF CHRIST-COUNCIL FOR CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ACTION

JAPANESE AM ERICAN CITIZENS LEAGUE

U N 1TED HEBREW TRADES

JEWISH LABOR COMMITTEE

U NIT ED PACKINGHOUSE, FOOD & ALLIED WORKERS

JEWISH WAR VETERANS LABOR ZI ONI ST ORGANIZATION OF AMERICA L EAG UE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY LUTHERAN CHURCH IN AMERICA- BOARD OF SOCIAL M l ~; ISTRY

U NI TED PRESBYfERIAN CHURCH -

COMMISSION ON RELIGION & RACE

UNI TED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH -

OFFICE OF CHURCH & SOCIETY

UNITED RUBBER WORKERS UNITED STATES NATIONAL STUDENT ASSOCIATION

MEDICAL COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS NATIONAL ALLIANCE OF POSTAL & FEDERAL EMPLOYEES

A TIONAL URBAN LEAGUE Nf. GRO AMERICAN LABOR COUNCIL

·

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORl:.[.J PEOPLE NATI ONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLLEGE WOMEN NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLORED WOMEN'S Cl. UBS, INC NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF NEGRO BUSINESS & PROFESS IONAL WOMEN 'S CLUBS, INC.

UNITED STATES YOUTH COUNCIL UNITED STEELWORKERS OF AM ERICA UNITED SYNAGOGUE OF AM ERICA UNITED TRANSPORT SERVICE EMPLOYEES UNIVERSITY CHRISTIAN MOVEMENT WOMEN' S INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE FOR PEACE & FREEDOM

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REAL ESTATE BROKERS, INC.

WORKERS DEFENSE LEAGUE

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF SOCIAL WORKERS

WORKMEN 'S CIRCLI:.

NATIONAL BAPTIST CONVENTION, U. S. A.

YOUNG WOMEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION OF THE USA

NATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION

ZETA PHI BETA SORORITY

�- 2-

civil rights for a,11 Americ ans through government action at the national levelo the

establishment and

By civil rights we mean not only en :£orc e ment of rights in law, f

but also the realization

social and

economic con-

ditions in which alone the £ul£illment of thes ·e is possibleo

rights

11

How the . Conference Beg an (

The Leadersh ip C o n£ex enc e

was formed

in 1950

by national organiz ations whose l e aders felt that while they often spoke and acted se parately, occasions when they coul d

make a

there we r e

many

greater impact upon

official Washing t on a nd t h e genera l public if they joined together in suppoI't of spe cif i c

i ss ue s o

The Co n fer ence m ex ge d two existin g groups: the National Counci l fo r by A.

Ph ili p R andolph,

a

Permanent FEPC,

headed

and the National Em er g enc y

Civil Rights Mob ilization headed by Roy Wilk ins and Arnold Aron son .

A ll three men c on tinue to play imp o r ..

tant r ol es in th G Co nfezence : Mr.I_ Randolph is a and Mro

M r .

member of the

W ilkins is Chair ma n, Ex e c utive Commi ttee ,

Aronson is Secretary .

How the Conferenc e Grew From the first ,

the Conference undertook to

�-3-

unite its groups behind sp e cific civil rights bills .. it grew in numbers i t

g r ew in influenceo

The Conference

has coordinated all th e na ti onal campaigns fo r civil rights billso

It s

series of civil ri ght s 19570

major

g r eate st s ucc e sses wer e the l aw s

pass ed by Congr e ss

The mos t no t abl e la ws in t h i s

Rights _ Act of 196 4 a nd th e

s i n ce

g r oup w ere t he Civil

Vo ting Ri--g hts Act of 1965.

But the C o n f eren c e does not wo r k laws to statute b oo ks ..

As

I t s org ani zati on s

ju st t o ad d

know la ws

are worth li t tle unless th e y are adequately en f orced. It campaigns u n t ir in g ly f o r existing prog r am s

a de qu a te fund s to k e ep

goin g a n d for a dequ a te e n forc e m e nt.

How the Co n f eren c e O perates T he C on fe ren ce functio ns thr ou gh three main Commi t te e s: for t h e

the Executive Com m ittee which se t s policy

o rga n i zation ; the Legislative Co mmi ttee,

the C ha i rm a n ship of Cl aren ce Mitchell, s t r a teg y f o r

u nder

which plans

pendi ng bills; and the Com mittee on C o m-

pliance and E n f orcement » under James Hamilton o f the Nation a l Council of Chur c hes ,

which wo r ks to see

that the laws are ad mini stered str o ngly and effectively. How the Conf erence Keeps Its Groups I n f o rme d The Co n ference tries to keep in constant touch

�-4-

with its organizationso

It sends them regular MEMOs

that set forth the immediate legislative situation and suggest what groups can do to help mobilize support for a bill or a of bills,

course of action.

pamphlets,

It publishes analyses

papers on what still needs to be

done to achieve full equalityo Not Civil Rights Alone Over the years the Confe re nce has b ro adened its concernso

It realizes that the fight for full equality

and the War on Poverty are interconnected.

In ad -

dition to campaigning for civil rig hts bills it has also worked for passage of an adequate minimum wage law· ; for reapportioned state legislatures so that they represent more truly all the peo p l e in a educational oppo rtun ity; for

adequate food di stribution

to the country's poor; for h om e of Columbi a ; for

state; for broad

rule fo r

the Dist ri ct

s chool desegregation.

These are only a few of its campaign s .

The

Confere n ce remains t od ay f i rm in its belief that progress in civil rights is the co n cern of everyAmerican, not the int erest of an y on e

groupo

It believes,

in Roy

�-5-

Wilkins•

words,

that "we are all tied together

that the fut u ·r e f o r

A m er ic a

mu s t b e

11

and

an int e g r at e d fut u r e ;

a nation in which all men and women share equally in its burdens and its benefitso

Its motto is

still:

"Cooperation in the Common Cause of Civil Rights for All"

�LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE DN CIVIL RIGHTS

I

ROY WILKINS , Chairman ARNOLD ARONSON, Secretary JOSEPH L. RAUH, JR ., Counsel CLARENCE M. MITCHELL, Legislative Chairman MARVIN CAPLAN, Di rector Wa shington Office

.

'

J. FRANCIS POHLHAUS , Special Con su ltant

'

2027 Mass. Ave., N.W., Washington, D. C. 20036 phone 667-1780

TO:

Participating Organizations

FROM·:

Arnold Aronson, Secretary

YVONNE PRICE, Executive As sistant •

New York address : 20 West 40th St ., New York 10018, phon e BRyant 9-1400

MEMO NO. 21-67 Oc tober 2 7, 1967

A SOCIAL SECURITY BILL THAT PUNISHES THE POOR

What began as an attempt by Congress to modernize t he Social Security Act has, in the bill the House approved, resulted in several proposa l s that seem both backward and punitive. Some of the House proposals come close t o taking the long di s c re dite d view that the proper way to handle welfare is to insult the people who nee d it and try to push or scare them off the rolls. When Newburgh, New York, in 1962, proposed to cut off a ssis t ance t o recipients who refuse to take any jobs offered to them, it was exco r iate d t hroughout the nation for its medieval attitude. Yet the House-passed bill (H. R. 12080) has a provision that would authorize much that sort of treatm ent to depende nt . mothers and their children. When Louisiana sought to cut off-aid to mothers who gave birth to illegitimate children after going on r elief , the Department of Hea lt h, Edu ca t ion and Welfare ruled the plan invalid, Yet the House, by placing a cei li ng on aid to needy chil dren see ms to be t ryi ng, indirectly, to put i ts o wn limits on birt hs. The social security a mend m ents are now before the S enate and ii is h ere that we must concent rate our efforts for improvement s i n the 3 2-year-ol d s t a t ute that will make it responsive to the present needs of American society. A Loophole for Hos pitals In one o f our re ce n t MEMOs (No. 19 - 67 ~ Octob e r 9) , we s o un d e d th e a larm in regard to an a m endment that was not in the House - passed measure but was to be proposed as an addition to the bill during cu rrent conside r a tion of it by the Senat e

"Cooperation in the Common Cause of Civ il Rights for All"

�PARTICIPATING ORGANIZATIONS AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH

NATIONAL CATHOLIC CONFERENCE FOR INTERRACIAL JUSTICE

AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL ZION CHURCH

NATIONAL CATHOLIC SOCIA L ACT ION CON FEREN CE NATIONAL COMMUNITY RE LAT IONS ADV ISORY CO U NC IL

ALPHA KAPPA ALPHA SORORITY, INC.

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CATHOLIC MEN

ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC.

NATIONAL COUNC IL OF CATHOLIC WOMEN

AMALGAMATED CLOTH ING WORKERS OF AMERICA AMALGAMATED MEAT CUTTERS & BUTCHER WORKMEN AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES-DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL JUSTICE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF NEGRO WOMEN

AMERICAN ETHICAL UNION AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR ORGANIZATIONS

CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PUERTO RICAN VOLUNTEERS, INC. NATIONAL COUNCIL OF SENIOR CITIZENS, INC.

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF STATE COUNTY & MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES

NATIONAL DENTAL ASSOCIATION NATIONAL FARMERS UNION

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS

NATIONAL FEDERATION OF CATHOLIC COLLEGE STUDENTS

AMERICA'\l JEWISH COMMITTEE

NATIONAL FEDERATION OF SETTLEMENTS & NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS

AMERICAN JE#ISH CONGRESS

NATIONAL FEDERATION OF TEMPLE SISTERHOODS

AMERICAN NEWSPAPER GUILD

NATIONAL JEWISH WELFARE BOARD

AMERICAN VETERANS COMMITTEE

NATIONAL MEDICAL ASSOCIATION

AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION

NATIONAL NEWMAN STUDENT FEDERATION

ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE OF B'NAI B'R TH

NATIONAL NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION

A. PHILIP RANDOLPH l"lSTITUTE

NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR MEXICAN-AMERICAN SERVICES

BISHOP'S COMMITTEE FOR THE SPANISH SPEAKING

NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN NATIONAL SHARECROPPERS FUND

B'NAI B'RITH WOMEN

NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE

BROTHERHOOD OF SLEEPING CAR PCRTERS

NEGRO AMERICAN LABOR COUNCIL

CHRISTIAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH CHURCH OF THE BRETHREN - BRETHREN SERVICE COMMISSION

PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH-DIVISION OF CHRISTIAN OMEGA PSI PHI FRATERNITY, INC.

CHURCH WOMEN UN TED

PHI BETA SIGMA FRATERNITY, INC.

FAIR PLAY

CITIZENS LOBBY FOR FF

PHI DELTA KAPPA SORORITY

COLL EGL YCS NAT ONA

PIONEER WOMEN, AMERICAN AFFAIRS

CONGRESS OF RACIAL EQ

PRESBYTERIAN INTERRACIAL COUNCIL

DEL TA Sl(";MA THETA SORC11'TY EPISCOPAL SOCIETY FOR CV TURAL AND RAC Al FRANCS AN JIJRl<;D1CrlON O

"l TV

THE THIRD ORDE:R u• , T. FRANCIS

C11L

CHEMICAL & ATOMIC WORKERS INTERNATIONAL UNION CITIZENSHIP

RETAIL WHOLESALE & DEPARTMENT STORE UNION

FRO"HIERS INTERNATIONAL

SOI., THERN BE.Au rv COl'..SRESS, INC

1-i DASSAH

SOUTHERN ~HR ST Ml LEADERSHIP CO'ffrnEt.CE

HOTEL ANO RESTAURANT EMPLOYEES ANO BAR~E DE.R; INTERNATIONAL U'IION

TEXTILE WORKERS vN'ON OF AMERICA

IM ROVED AfNEVOLENT & PROTECTIVE ORDER OF ELKS OF THE WORLD

UNION OF AMERICAN HEBREW CONGREGATIONS

INDUSTRI L UNIC'II DEPARTMEN

r

AFL CIO

l'lTE "lAT'ONAL LAD[;:, GAR"'1EW WORKERc UNI N OF AMER CA l"ITE'R lAT ONAL U"ll0N OF ELECTRICAL RAC! IOTA l'H LAMBDA SORORITY, JAPA

& MACHINE WORKERS

TRANSPORT WORKERS UNION OF AMERICA

UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST ASSOCIATION -COMMISS & RACE

NON RELIGIJN

UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST WOMEN'S FEDERATION UNITED AUTOMOBILE WORKERS OF AMERICA

NC

UNITED CHURCH OF CHRIST- COMMITTEE FOR RACIAL JUSTICE NOW

AMERICAN CITIZENS LEAGUE

UN'TED CHURCH OF CHRIST- COUNCIL FOR CHR 1 T A"l SOCIAL .I\CTION

JEV., • H LAB R CC\o1MITTEE

UNITED HEBREW TRADES

JEWISH WAR VETERANS LABOR ZIONIST OR ,A'l1ZAT 10N OF A

UNITED PACKINGHOUSE, FOOD & ALLIED WuRKERS

ER CA

LEA ,UL F-OR NDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY

UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH -COMMISSION ON RELIGIONS. RAU

LUTf-!ERAN CHURCH 'N AMERICA--BOARD OF SOCIAL MINISTRY

UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH -

MED CAL C M'vilTTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

UNITED RUBBER WORKERS

NATIO"lAL ALLIANCE OF POSTAL & FEDERAL EMPLOY ES

UNITED STATES NATIONAL STUDENT ASSOCIA llON

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE

UNITED STATES Y UTH COUNC L

OFF 1CE. OF CHURCH & SOCIETY

NATIO"lAL ASSOC AT ON OF COLLEGE WOMEN

UNITED STf"LWORKERS OF AMERICA

NATI "lAL ASSOC AT ON OF COLORED WOMEN'S CLUBS INC.

UNITED SYNAGOGUE OF AMERICA

NATIONAL Ac;SOCIAT ON OF NEGRO BUSINESS & P'lOFESSIONAL /OMEN'S CLUBS, INC

UNIVERSITY CHRISTIAN MOVEMENT

NATIONAL A SOCIA TIC. N OF RFAL ESTATE BROKERS,

I OF SOCIAL IC'Rl<ERS

NATION/\

A<;SOC ATI

NAT

BAPT ST CON E:.N

A

,;, T N T ')N

A~

ON U S A

S'SC..C AT ON 8

JT

U. Ti.JR STS' L~GUE. 1",C.

NC.

UNITED TRANSPORT SERVICE EMPLOYEE'S

WOMENS INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE FC'

FE'\CE & FREEDOM

WORKERS DEFENSE LE.AGI.JE • '

RKMEN S CIRCLE.

Y<.. UNG WOMEN'S CHRISTIA"! ZETA PH BETA SORORITY

N UF THE USA

�·- 2 ..

F ina n c e C ommittee , T his wa s the a mendment offer ed by S e nato :r Herm an T a lmadge (D-Ga. ) that would enable pat ients to re c e ive Fede ral m e dica l benefit s i n ho s pitals that a re not in c omplian c e with the C ivi 1 Right s Act of 1964 . W e pointe d o u t, t hen, the obvio us danger t h i s pos e s t o adequa t e enfo r cement of Title VI of the A ct, the sect io n tha t enable s foe Federal gover nm ent to cut off funds to a ny F ederally-assisted p r ogram t ha t disc r imin a t es. A C omprom is e Effe c t e d As thj_s M E M O is w r i t t e n , a corn p r o m is e a p pea r s t o have been worke d o u t bet ween HEW and Senat o r T a lma dge. Patients in non-complyi ng ho spita l s w ould sti ll be l"eimbur s e d , a lthough the p e r c e n ta g e of reimbur sem e n t no longe r appea r s to be fixed. But in s tead o f a llowing s uc h reimbu r sements for a pe riod r unning fro m the s t art o f M edicare i n J. 966 t o Decem b er 31, 1968 , the compromi se would m ove the cutoff date for s u c h trea tment to De c ember 3 1, 196 7 . W hile thi s is an im p rovem e n t, the amendm e nt s t i ll opens a loo p hole in Title VI e nfor c ~ment and s hould still be oppo sed. New Bu r d ens on the P o or W hile the Talmadge am e ndment is the o ne that d ea l s mos t spe cifi cally with a matt er o f c ivil right s , o ther p ro posals in t he House bill would fall s o heavily upon t he urban poo r an d their large minority gro u p s , tha t it seem s incumbent upo n the Leadership C onference to op pose them. A t t he las t meeting of the Washi ngton r ep re sentati ves there was unanim ou s agre e ment t hat in addition to oppo sing t h e T alma d g e amendme nt , the C onference shoul d express it s opposition to three others:

1.

C ompuls o r y Wo rk and Training Programs

States w ould be re quired t o set u p work and train ing programs and a dults and chi l dren over 16, who are no t in school, would be requir e d t o participate or face the lo ss of as s istance . To moth er s getting he l p und er the Aid t o Families with De pendent Chi ldren (AFDC ) program, thi s provision w ould come as a blow. They wou l.d be fo rced t o ta,ke jobs o r t raining even t hough, i n ma ny cases, there was no a d equate da y-care for their child r en and eve n though it was more important for them to s tay h ome and ca re for their youngsters. W hat's more, the r e a r e no assu r a nc es that the training would be thorough or lead t o anything . It could ve ry w ell force them, i n the e n d , to wo r1~ in deadend job s for lov; wages. And ce rtainly fo r cing people to eithe r work or lose the he l p they need for them selves and t heir children returns w elfare to about the leve l of th e mid-Victorian poorhouses. 2.

Limits on Aid to Chil d r en

The House bill would limit assistance under the AFDC program to only the perc entage of children in b roken home s, as r elated to all childr en unde r 21 in e ach state , that was receiving help in January 1967 ,\ For instance, if three percent of th e

t-

�- 3-

minor children in a s t ate were i n b r oken h o m es and on AFDC in Ja nua r y, the s t a t e could not get Fede ra l funds fo r mor e than th ree percent i n s ub s e q u e nt y e ar s , no matter how large a n increase the r e might be in the numb er of poo r , f a t h er l ess youngsters living in i t, Hardest hit b y t his proposa l would , agai n, b e t he p e o p l e lea st a b l e t o bear the burdens it wo u ld impose - - t he migra nts comin g f r om the rura l South to t he cities. For those stat es in w hic h s u c h mi gra nt s u s ua lly s e ttle, the choi ce wou l d be bleak: either t o assume the i n c r e a sed costs of c a ri ng for t h e de s titute o r t o simply ignore them and invite f u r ther c hao s . 3.

Ben e fit s

The House b ill w o uld increa se s ocia l se cu rity b e n efit s by only 12 1 / 2 p e r cent and r ai ses t he minimum b ene fit from th e present $ 44 to o nly $ 50 . T hi s is cle arly insufficient to meet the ne e ds o f i ndivi d uai s and famili es whos e i n c om es a r e a lready being eroded b y i nflati on. T h e Admin is t ration p roposa l c a ll s fo r a 15 pe rcent across -the - boa r d increase and a 5 9 percent increa s e i n th e minimum to $ 7 • Whi le many group s wi thi n the Leaders hi p C onferen ce fe e l e ven thi s incre as e 1s in s ufficient , t hey ar e wi lli ng to endo rse it as t he minimum am o unt . T h e C o n f erence c onsensus covers the amendment s o u t line d thu s f ar . The r e are other a m e n dm ent s i n the b ill t hat indivi dual group s in the L e a d ership Confere n c e oppose . One part ic ula r ly, i s t he d ras ti c r est ri c tion the H ouse bill im po ses o n t he new Medicaid ( T i tle XI X) program o f m edica l care for th e nee d y. Inc o me lim it s wo u ld b e e stab li she d at o ne-th ird o v er the AFDC payment s leve l which would ac tually cut off fr om M e dica id e li gibi lity w e lfa re reci pients in s o m e stat es. The b ill a l so pe r mits s tat es t o c u t 1:b ack , on t he range o f med i c a l care se r vice s p rov i de d , inclu d in g the po s sibi lity of provi d ing neithe r hospital no r phy sic ia n s ervices if other l es s e s sentia l servi ces are p rovi d e d in s t e a d . What Ne e ds To B e Done W e urge a 11 our parti cipating organiz atio ns t o join in o pposing a t least: th e Talm adge a m endm e n t o n ho spital s ; the m a n da tory wo r k- training p ro visio n s and t h e freez e on t he percenta ge o f d epend ent c hild ren who c an be h elped. We sho uld strongly urge s ubstantially larger increases in s ocial security benefits, bot h across the b o ard an d in the minim um payments. P l e a s e write to members of the S enat e F inanc e C ommittee (li s t attache d) and urge th e m to vot e against t hese and any other amendments that would l ea d us back w ard , p lunge millions of poor people into despair a n d play into the hand s of cynics who say C ongre ss is unab le to meet the press ing needs of our communities. But please act now! To a gro wing and ala rming extent, the War on Pov erty appear s to be s hifting into a War on the P oor .

- 30 -

�-4-

SENA TE FINANCE COMMITTEE Russell B. Long (D-La.), Chairman Democrats George A. Smathers (Fla.) Clinton P. Anderson (N. M.) Albert Gore (Tenn.) Herman E. Talmadge (Ga.) Eugene J. McCarthy (Minn,) Vance Hartke (Ind.) J. W. Fulbright (Ark,) A bra ham A. Ribicoff (Conn.) Lee Metcalf (Mont,) Fred R. Harris (Okla.)

Republicans John J. Williams (Del,) Frank Carlson (Kan,) Wallace F. Bennett (Utah) Carl T. Curtis (Neb.) Thurston B. Mo r ton (Ky.) Everett McKinley Dirksen (Ill.)

�A T LANTA L IFE I N S URAN C E CO MPAN Y P OST OFFICE BOX B97

ATLANTA , GEORGIA 303 01

JESSE HILL. JR .

May 17, 1967

ACTUARY

Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr., Mayor City of Atlanta City Hall Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mayor Allen: Thank you very much for your cooperation and consideration during the conference last week in your office with Summit representatives. Please send us a written statement of your follow-up action on outlined specifics as indicated in our discussions. · Please request for us from Mr. Elrod and Mr. Sutherland a list of all job positions of the newly built and the original City Auditorium facilities, describing the respective job qualifications, duties and salary classifications in each. There is considerable unhappiness in the Negro community concerning the Model Cities Proposal, and the operation of Public Housing and Urban Renewal by the Atlanta Housing Authority. At this hour there is serious consideration of a delegation going to Washington to confer with Secretary Robert Weaver as a protest of what is considered bias, discrimination and violations of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. In your written statement of reaction, please specify among other things what steps you have taken to implement changes or amendments in Model Cities Proposal as agreed to include Negroes on the Executive Board, and other complaints including the exclusion of Negro organi2ations in the Proposal.

\.•. ·/

-

-.-.....

�---~ -

-

Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr. City Hall Page 2 May 17, 1967

We also request a statement from the Personnel Department on the status of Mr. Sterrs Johnson's application for employment in Civil Defense. Mr. Johnson has pursued employment in this Department for several years without success. We are informed that he has passed the required test, at one time we were told that he did not pass the test.

Very truly yours, ATLANTA SUMMIT LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE Je se Hill, Jr., Co-Chairman Rev. S. W. Williams, Co-Chairman Alderman Q. V. Williamson, Co-Chairman

-i

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.•. ·I

t

~


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__ ·-----·.. - ----_.

·-

.l

�May 26, 1967

MEMORANDUM

Mr. Theodore Edward Smith visited the Mayor's Office on Friday, May 26th. He advised me that he represented the U. S. District Attorney and was stationed in Atlanta for the purp9se of keeping the U. S. Attorney General advised as to any threats of racial disturbances. Mr. Smith requested that he be notified of any such threats. He can be contacted as follows: Business: Room 401, Old Post Office Building, U. S. District Attorney's Office Telephone: 525-2072 Residence: 636 Fair Street, Apartment #C-21 Telephone: 524-8301

R. Earl Landers

�!

OFFICE OF TiiE MAYOR Tel:

JOH N V, LINDSAY

566-5090

CITY HALL

NEW YORK CITY 211-68

Immediate Rel eas e (Tue sday, Jun e 18, 19 68 ) Mayor Joh n V. Linds ay and Ma yor Car l Stoke s of Cleveland have agreed to serve as c6-chai rmen of a mayo rs 1 commi tt e e in suppo r t of th e Poor People 's Solidari ty Day March in Wash in gton tomorr ow (Wed nesday , Jun e 19). Mayor Lindsay and Mayor Stokes released th e f o l lowing stateme nt fro m t heir offices today: "Tomorrow, June 1 9th, thousand s o f peop l e from acro ss this count ry will gathe r in Washington , D. C . to particip ate in th e Poor People's Sol id arity Day Mar ch. "They wi ll march , in peace , for the right of each c i ti zen to be dec e ntl y fed , clothed and housed . "They wi ll march , in peace , for th e ri gh t o f every citizen to work a full week and enjoy the fruits o f their l abor . "1'hey wi ll march, in peace , for the right of every citi ze n to live wi t hout fe a r and to be judged without p r ejudic8 . " Th ey will march, in pec1c2 , fo r the ho pes o f us all .... fo r that day when we will agai n be on e Nation . "We, the und ersigned Mayo r s , feel it only fitting and proper that we publ ic ly p rocla im our c ommitment to the goals of those who mar ch tomorrow. "Nowhere is the viol en c e, poverty and division agains t which th ey fight more deeply felt than in our great cit ies . In th is sense, ~h eir caus e is o ur s and we must su pport them. " Hugh J. Addonizio , ~ayor , Newark , N .J . ; Jo seph M. Al i oto, Mayor, San Francisco, Calif.; Ivan All en ,Jr . , Mayor, At lant a , Ga., Joseph M. Barr, Mayor , Pitts burgh , Pa. ; Thomas P. Byrne , Mayor , St. Paul, Min n. J prnme P. Cavanagh, Mayor, Detroi~ . Mi c h . ; A. J. Cervantes , May or, St. Lou i s, Mo. ; J ames N. Co rbet t, Jr., Tucson, Ariz. ; Thomas G. Currigan , Mayo r , Den ver , Colo.; Thomas D 1 Alesandro , Mayor , Balt imore , Md . Bruno Gi o r danoi Mayor, St amfo r d, Co nn .; Milton H. Grah am , Mayor , Phoe nix , Ariz. ; Richard G. Hatcher , Mayor , Gary , In d . ; John V . Linds ay , Mayor , New Yo r k , N.Y .; Henry W. Mai e r, Milwa uke e , Wisc. . . Arthu r Nafta lin, Mayor , Mirlneapolis , Min n. ; Fr a nk A. Sedi ta, Bu ffa lo, N.Y. ; Ca r l B. Stokes , May o r , Cl eve land, Oho ; Anton in a P . Ucc el lo, Mayor , Hartford, Conn. ; Wa lter E. Washington , Ma yor , Dist r ict of Columbia ; Ke vi n H. White , Mayor , Boston, Mass. ; Sam ue l W. Yo r y , Mayor , Los Angeles , Cali f.

('

�.Tune 18. 1968

Mr. Fr: Roughton .Institute of Comm.unic tive Art of the M thodiet Church 12.79 Oxford Road, N . E . tlanta., Georgia 30306

r

D

., R

ghton:

y I c:lm.owledge r · ipt of your lettez, o 1f ·o f the Inetitw of Communicative Arts.

l

Sam Dr.

mitte

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&ideration to yo~ su,we mori to Dr. King.

l

Allen. Jr.

Mayor JAJr:lp CC!

�THE VICE

PRESIDENT

WAS HIN G T O N

September 2, 1966

Dear Mayor : I am pleased to send you a copy of the Report of the White House Conference "To Fulfill These Rights." This report is a product of more than one year of intensive study by hundreds of individuals and organizations from all walks of life who responded to President Johnson's call for a White House Conference to help formulate specific steps to help the Negro American move "beyond opportunity to achievement." The report was recently presented to the President by the Honorary Chairman of the Conference, Mr. A. Philip Randolph, International President of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, and the Chairman of the Conference, Mr. Ben W. Heineman , Chairman of the Chicago and Northwestern Railway Company. The 29 member Council to the Conference and the 2500 delegates stressed the formulation of action recommendations in four specific areas : 1. Ec onomic security and welfare; 2. Education; 3. Housing; and 4. Administration of Justice. President Johnson has announced that all Federal departments and agencies will evaluate these proposals most carefully and submit to him specific recommendations for carrying forward the Administration's commitment of promoting equal rights and equal opportunity for every American. You will note, however, that much of the responsibility for implementing these recommendations also rests with our states and local communities. This is as it should be -- meaningful, visible change in the lives of people cannot take place in any other manner.

�-2-

I, therefore, urge your careful analysis and study of this report. Many of the recommendations will hopefully be relevant to problems you may face in your community. If you have questions about any portion of the report or its recommendations, please feel free to seek from me additional clarification or assistance. And I am especially hopeful that you will from time to time let me know what steps you may be taking in achieving the objectives discussed in the report. As stated by the President, we are seeking "not just equality as a right and a theory, but equality as a fact and a result." I believe this report is a historic blue-print for action to help our nation achieve this goal. Best wishes. Sincerely,

Hubert H. Humphrey

Honorable Ivan Allen, J r. Mayor City Hall Atlanta 3, Georgia

�THE WHITE HOUSE CONFERENC E "TO FULFILL THESE RIGHTS"

1800 G Street, N. W. Washington, D. C.

Tel: 737-9010

NOTICE

The enclosed Report of the White House Conference "To Fulfill These Rights" is being distributed to all who were invited to the Conference, Members of Congress, news media, private and Federal Government agencies. Additional copies of the Report may be purchased for $1.25 per copy from the Superintendent of Documents, United States Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 20402.

An order for additional copies must be accompanied by a check or money order payable to the Superintendent of Documents.

�September 16 , 1966

Mr . Charles A . Fitzgerald, President Tucker M i dget Football Conference , Inc. P . 0 . Box 67 Tucker, Georgia Dear Mr . Fitzgerald:

I was very pleased to learn of the p l ans you and Ral ph Long are making for a football game at Wesley Avenue . I am familiar with the fine work of Mr. Long and Aaron Watson . Probably the main reason we have not had any racial disturbances in J:nat neighborhood is because of the positive program of parti cipation th t these two men carry out in their community. I see no problems at all with your bringing a team into the Wesley area and I would endorse such a commendable attempt to develop friendship between the races in this manner.

Mr . Dan Sweat, my assistant, has worked with Mr . Long and Mr . Wat on on other projects and I am sure he would be happy to work with you if there is anything my office can do to help make thi project a success .

I am sure that Mr . Swe twill be interested from another standpoint since he lives in your conununity and has a son playing on the Smoke Rise team. You m y call him at 522-4463, Ext. 280. His home number is 938-0197. Congr tulations and good luck with your fine progr m. Sine rely yours,

Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor IAJr:fy

�TUCIIBR MIDGET FOOTBALL CONFERENCE, INC. P. 0. BOX 67 • TUCKER, GA. • TELEPHONE 938-4888 "Bringing the Wonderful World of Football to Boys and Girls"

Board of Directors

League Teams

CHARLES FITZGERALD EMMETT MIZE

Lions Smoke Rise ldlewood Tucker Park Briarlake Midvale Rehobeth Baptist Warren

FRANK FINDLEY

Officers CHARLES FITZGERALD,

President

EMMETT MIZE, Athletic Director FRANK FINDLEY, Secretary-Treasurer

Girls' Activities Boys' Activities

JEANNETT DOSTER,

EMMETT MIZE DOUG STOWERS OTIS HOLMES CHARLES KING BOB HENDRIX GuYWARREN BILL HICKSON

JIM BRIDGES

938-4387 938-8441 938-3768 938-3450 938-2510 938-7479 443-6000 938-0089

MACKY WATERS, SUE BALL, SHIRLEY TOWNLEY,

Fund Raising

September 12, 1966

The Honorable Ivan Allen Mayor of the City of Atlanta City Hall Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mayor Allen: This letter is written to aquaint you with a worth while project for negro boys in the city of Atlanta. Since January, Mr.Ralph Long, Principal of Wesley School, Mr. Aaron Watson, Athletic Director of Wesley, and myself have been meeting making plans for a football program for boys 8 thru 13 year of age living in the various communities of Atlanta. King & Spalding Company, has incorporated our group under the name "Youth Sports Activities of Atlanta, Incorporated 11 , as you can see on the attached blank letterhe ad. In meeting with Mr. Long and Mr. Watson and others they have brought in, I have been impressed by their desire to do for their young people even though it means taking much of their spare time . I believe in f ootball as a builde r of character and believe what these me n are doing is v ery wor th while . My group in Tucker is also engaged in similar work with our youth and hav e eleven year s e x p e rience at it . This fall ou'r t wo groups a re t r y ing to a rr a nge some way to b r ing our two t e ams together in a gester o f friends h ip. Our t hought i s t o _ start out wi th a game i n t h e Wes l ey area , with u s bringing o ur group i n a b u s . We want to pro vide a b r i dge , s mall in the beg inning , f o r a better und e rstan d i ng between our young people . I know of n o b e tter way than a thle t ics . Conti nued • . • • •

�The Honorable Ivan Allen

Since this would mean bringing 33 white boys into the Wesley area, we want to make sure we go about this in the right way. I would appreciate your thoughts on this. Perhaps you could come and speak to the two groups before the game, right at the field. I truly believe this is a milestone in good relations between races but, as I said, don't want to make a mistake as we start out. If y ou think it advisable we can come down to your office and discuss this. At any rate I will appreciate your suggestions and comments.

Very truly yours,

T~~Cc ~

OOTBALL CONFERENCE ,

Charles-~? ~ President CAF : ns cc; Mr . Ralph Long Mr . Aaron Watson Mr . Emmett Mize

�YOUTH SPORTS A CTIVITIES

OF

A TLA.t~T A, I Nc.

1275 FAIR STREET • ATLANTA, GA. • 775-5590 A Non-Profit Recreational Program for Boys and Girls in Atlanta

Board of Directors A. LONG A ARON L. WATSON CHARLES A. FITZGERALD RALPH

Officers R ALPH

.AARON

A. LONG, President L. WATSON, Secretary-Treasurer

�---!~

CITY OF AT LANT A

llR

-..J.. l ,.,.J

I'

CITY HALL• 68 M IT_CH ELL STRE E T , S. W . •

ATL.I\NTA, GEO RCilA 30303 •

August 10, 1966

!•· tir, ,\LLEN, JR.

', • 11·,1r, C,t y al Atlan t,1

PLA NNING AND DEVELOPMENT COMMITTEE BOARD OF ALDERMEN P,JDNEY M COOK, C."'airm in E GRESORY GRIGGS,

,1·c Cl 1irm an

R<J BER, S DENNIS r, A. C:ILL!AM CHA/ll/ .S H. LEF TWICH J B N MOORE JACK SUMMERS

TECHNICAL ADVISORY BOARD EXECUrlVE COMMITTEE R EARi. LANDER S ,1, 1min t.s !-.'t to (he Mayor, Cha,rman W/ON T 13. BEAN Pn nniri q Ennincer HI /JnY L. flOWDEN C •y Att , ,nr y Cl/ l<fl ll 5 L DAVIS

Mrs. EI iza Pasch a 11 Executive Director Council on Human Relations · of Greater Atlanta, Inc. 5 Forsyth Street, N. W. Atlanta, Georgia 30303

c .-:nµt, 1l/er

II LLI M < S HOWL AND { •ec,1ti t!

O•t<'ctor. C.A C U R

/l,n A NIXO N C: il' t ol Co,,,; t,uc tion t B. S,\ TT ERF IELD

f r,!c. {) r . AU.Jn l J Hous,ng Au l ho•i ty I', .LI AI I R. WOFFORD 1, peel 1r o,' Bwkiings

OTHER MEMBERS

D' IANF W, BECK [,.,:,c V r., C:ommunity Council of Atl3n l,l

Dear Mrs. Paschal I: Thank you for your recent letter concerning personnel policies relative to the undertaking of the Atlanta Community Improvement Program and specifically to the employment of Negroes. Your letter offers us an opportunity to report on sound progress in th is regard.

GI Er-.N E. BENNE TT f-,"<.. ul,H' 01rec tor. A.R.M P C

Ki, RL A Bl VINS 1, J/f1c f ng,ncer JACK C DELIUS

p ,,.~f s, ( cnr·ral M;mager

or ' J, ' n-r Pul

HACKNEY H"a lrh, Fulton Co.

C H. HILDEBRAND

One of the clauses appearing in the contract between the City of Atlanta and the United States of America for the federal grant funds reads as follows:

I 11 eCh1 el

PAUL B /V EY

I <I A, rnt

J()HN H. JACOBS D . ecto, of L,brBries I IERB El'T T JENKINS P,··'lcc Chief I,/ AN f Kif PPfR r , tun C<- u, l y Manager ( · JO > •l ·,•, LEl SON .'

11 0 1 ' ·C' 1:01'.

Jc V, M LLER ,.rm, r•. A F C.J.P B f I. OP. Y ~- PARRI SH , 1, 'r St ,le Hw y Planning Enp,in,,,., T1 :lMt,, H ROBER TS f', •nnin 1 O,r . A R M.P.C

I

( 1

0 1 T, <J. VIN SON D.. , Pub Health , DeKalb Co. p;, u1. L. WEIR W iter Worl-: li, Gen. Mgr .

Equal Employment Opportunity. In the carrying out of the work covered by this Contract, the Public Body will not discriminate against any employee or applican.t for employment because of race, creed, color, or national origin. The Public Body wi 11 take affirmative · action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that' employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, creed, color, or national origin. Such action shall include, but not be limited to, the followinu: employment, upgrading, demotion, or transfer; recruitment or recruihnent advertising; layoff or termination; rates of pay or other forms of compensation; and selection for training, including apprenticeshipo The Public Body agrees to post in conspicuous places·, available to employees and applicants ,for employment, notices to be provided by the 11 • • •

ATLANTA'S MUNICIPAL RESEARCH & DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM

522-4463

GEORGE L. ALDRIDGE, JR . Director

�Mrs. EI iza Pasch a 11

- 2 -

· August 10, 1966

Government setting forth the provisions of this nondiscrimination clause. The Public Body will, in all solicitations or advertisements for employees placed by or on behalf of the Public Body, state that all qualified applicants will receive consideration for employment without regard to race, creed, color, or national origin. · The Pub I ic Body wi 11 incorporate the . foregoing requirements of this paragraph in all of its contracts for work covered by th is Contract, other than contracts for construction and contracts for standard commercial supplies or raw materials, and will require all of its contractors ·for such work to incorporate such requirements in all subcontracts for work covered by this Contract ••• 11 In retaining the services of professional consultants to undertake the sundry work items contained in the format of the Cl P, subsequent contracts have been executed. Each contract drawn between the City of Atlanta and the professional consultants contains th~ same language set forth above.

· :·

The Community Improvement Program has a permanent staff of six persons in addition to the director. Al I are City employees - paid by the City of Atlanta and subject to the City's personnel policies . These six persons on the permanent staff consist of two professional planners, two assistant planners, an administrative secretary and a Clerk Ill. The Clerk Ill is a Negro. He is but one of three appointments on the permanent staff made by the director since he was employed. Prior to my arrival the entire permanent staff had been selected and were on the job working . Although the positions Clerk 111 and Assistant Planner are subprofessional classifications, the potential for moving up to professional levels is wide open, depending on experience, education and abilities . Concerning salary ranges for these positions and any others in which you may be interested, we suggest that you address your questions to the City of Atlanta Personnel Department . Due to the natu re of the Atlanta CIP, it has been ne cessary for the Ci ty to e mploy te mpora ry college and high school students . Du ri ng the summe r a nd ear ly fal l of 1965 , the CIP staff assembled a task force of a pprox imately 70 people to unde rta ke a city- w ide inventory of parcels of land in At lanta and com pi le 38 un its of informatio n a bou t e ach parcel (e . g ., building conditions , owne rsh ip, land use , zoning classificatio n, e tc. ) . Th is inventory wa s unde rta ke n in con juncti on with the insta llation of the City' s electron ic da ta proc essi ng equ ipmen t. In a ssembling the "task force 11 , we sought a combi nation of co llege students from th e local area and high school students enro lle d in the In-Sch ool Program of Economic Opportunity Atlanta, Inc., the local anti-poverty program. The Atlanta Personnel Department sent notices to al I colleges in the metropo litan area and the response by the college students for approximately' 40 jobs was overwhelming. White and Negro college

�- -- - - - -

~--.·---3-

Mrs. Eliza Paschall

-·--·-"'""' August 10, 1966

students applied. Recruitment, testing, screening and certification were handled through and supervised by the Atlanta Personne I Department. Selection of the 40 college students was the perogative of the CIP staff. The result was a bi-racial group of college students which constituted a large portion of the task force. Economic Opportunity Atlanta, Inc., provided us with 25 to 30 high school students through their In-School Program - all of whom were Negroes. Although we are not recruiting at the present time, our record speaks for itself i_nsofar as recruiting Negroes is concerned~ Our experience in employing Negroes and whites in a team effort has wrought meaningful results. In response to your question concerning the irpolicy,working board 11 , apparently you have reference here to the Board of Aldermen of the City of Atlanta. As you know, this is a 17 member board, one of whom is a Negro, Mr. Q. V. Williamson of the Third Ward •

As mentionecl'eadier, each of our consultants are bound by a contractual clause relative to equal opportunity in employment. To our knowledge each has offered Negroes employment and are I iving up to th is contractual requirement. The City's contract with each consultant is not predicated on their submission of detailed payroll records or substantiated by racial composition relative to payments for work performed. Instead, each consultant bills the City based on the percentage of work he has completed in proportion to the total cost of the contract. Should you have evidence that the aforementioned equal opportunity in employment clause is being or has been violated by one of the City's consultants on work contracted for under this program, we would appreciate your forwarding it to us for investigation.

,,1.

The time limit for completing all of the work items contained in the Atlanta Community Improvement Program is twenty-seven months. We are currently in the twentieth month of the program. As I mentioned in my letter to you of February 4, 1966, we have worked very closely for some time now with two citizens groups as the CIP has progressed. These are the Mayor's Citizens Advisory Committee on Urbari Renewal and a CIP sub-committee of that group. Both of these groups are bi-racial. For some time now, the City along with the citizens groups mentioned above have recognized the need for broader citizen involvement, thinking and reaction to CIP findings and recommendations. Generally speaking, such citizen involvement in other cities having undertaken similar programs has awaited the completion of the entire program. Early this fall, prior to the completion of the program, the City of Atlanta is planning to conduct, on a city-wide level , and then perhaps for local neighborhood associations, civic organizations, etc., a series of four seminars on the Atlanta Community Improvement Program. These four seminars will treat the topical areas:

�i

-4-

Mrs. Eliza Paschall

August 10, 1966

(1) Government and law

(2) The physical environment (3) The economic environment, and

(4) The people These seminars should serve to promote broader understanding of the City's problems, its resources, what the future holds for. the City of Atlanta - and the ro le of Atlanta's citizens in that future. Once again, thank you for the opportunity of reporting on what we consider a good record in bi-racipl employment practices. We are looking forward to this fall and to our seminar~ with ... the citizens of Atlanta •

.

GLA,Jr/lm cc: The Honorable Robert Weaver Secretary Depar1ment of Housing and Urban Development Washington, D. C. The Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor City of Atlanta, Georgia The Honorable Q. V. Wil Iiamson Alderman, Third Ward City of Atlanta, Georgia

be: Rodney Cook

tv

D Sw Ear-I La en Colli GI in t Lyle

�,\

11

COUNCIL ON HUMAN RELATIONS

c,,.

MRS JOHN W. STANLEY CHAIRMAN

GREATER ATLANTA

MR ZENAS SEARS

5 F"CRBYTH STREET, N. W.

1ST VICE-CHAIRMAN

MRS. ELIZA PASCHALL EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR

ATLANTA, 13ECRIJIA 30303

MR . THOMAS McPHERSON

TELEPHONE 5:Z3•15B1

2ND VICE-CHAIRMAN

MISS GLENDA BRISCOE SECRETARY

,INC.

August 4, ·1966

DR . JON JOHNSTON TREASURER DIRECTORS The REV . JOSEPH E . BOONE Mrs . PHILIP BRACHMAN Mr. SINCLAIR JACOBS

Mr. George Aldridge, Jr. Director, Community Improvement Program City Hall Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mr. Aldridge:

Mr . A . V . JETT Miss NORAH McNIVEN The Rev. EUGENE PICKETT Mr. JAMES R. WOOD Dr . SAMUEL WILLIAMS Mr. Q. V. WILLIAMSON Mrs . P. Q . YANCEY Mr. HARRY BOYTE Mr . J . OTIS COCHRAN Dr . WILLIAM S. JACKSON Mrs . FRED LANOUE

It is our understanding that because of the large amount of federal funds in the CIP program, the personnel policies would have to conform to the requirments of the civil rights laws. Would it be possible for you to give us information about those Negroes who are employed in a office and/or professional jobs level in connection with the CIP program - in yo~r office, on the staff of Candeub, and Felissing, or on the staff of any other organization with which the city has contracted for any part of this program? ~ttached is•. a blank for your convenience. If your office is not the proper one to supply this information, we will appreciate your forwarding this request-~ to the proper one. We would also like to know what point the CIP has reached and when citizens will have an opportunity to review it and react to it. We would like to arrange a publio meeting for such discussion at the appropriate time. Sincerely yours,

Mr . JERR Y LEVINE Mrs . SARA P . MITCHELL Mr . WILEY MONTAGUE Mr . MORGAN STANFORD Mr . AL ULMER Mrs. CLIFFORD WILSON

M~;El:a~ ~ Executive Director EP:lf cc:

The Hon. Robert Weaver, Secretary, Housing & Urban Development, Washington, D.C.

�Total nU1'ber in oftioe - - - - - - - - - • l'rofocsion~l _______Pooi tione

Total nUJ11ber

ot Negroea in office ____ s professional _ _ _ _ _ _.cpouitiona

f.wnber of .~osroos in supervisory poa1 tions - - - - - - - ·

Salary r anee of white e~ploy0en _____ to_____ Salary r nngo of Negro e:.iploygo11J _ _ _ _ _to____,_ __

Ar o you now r 0cruiting for a.ny jobs? Row have you tried to r oaruit Nogro applioants?· Numb0r o.r whi tea on policy workine Board _____Exec. Comu. the'-----·

Niw:ber

L

or

~e~room on policy ·vorkin& Board _____Exoo. Committee_____•

�1

AFFIRMATION ATLANTA from Summit Leadership Conference

We the undersigne d citizens of Atlant a , Georgia are seriously concerned about the welfare and progress of our city.

We h a ve noted

with pride the substantial progress which has been made in many areas of our social, civic and economic life , p a rticularly in the last five years. For the first time many of us feel that we are not only a part of the city, but that w e have deep and significant stakes in its w elfare and in its progress.

We realize that while we have made progress , there are still

areas in which we need to make more significant advances and thes e with haste .

We are disturbed , howe v e r , tha t there appear to b e ele ment s

i n the city w hich do not have the total w elfare a t heart of the g roups wh i ch t hey appear t o r epresent.

The se i ndi vidua ls , we are afraid, b elieve t h at

p r o g r e s s can b e m ade t hrough d i stur bing t h e b e s t rat her · t h an wor k i n g with t h e wholes ome ele m ents i n ou r popu l ation t o kee p Atlan ta head ed in t h e righ t d irection .

We want a ll good cit izens t o know that w h ile we

deplor e certain shor t c omin g s t o b e found i n our s o cial , ec onomic and civic l ife, t h at we d o n ot fee l t h at vi ole n ce o r b reak ing of l aws is u s eful in helping us t o ach ieve the compl ete h uman equality for w h ich we work and for which we will c ontinue diligently to strive.

We pledge our strong

c ooperation with all the forces of law and order that Atlanta will become a completely open city whic h we desire . . • where every man regardless of his social, racial or economic status will have completely t hose opportunities for the good life available to any other citizen.

In attestation

�Page 2

of these ideas, we the undersigned pledge to our fellow-men in the City of Atlanta our most ardent efforts and our continuous help. Samuel W. Williams Alderman Q. V. Williams on Co-Chairmen, Summit Leadership Conference Senator LeRoy Johnson ~ Rep.Wm. Alexander ·r, Y , / _ _, 11.,,,. - . /R ep. J ohn Gr e er ?\~· ~ J ~ Rep. John Hood Mr. Benjamin T. Smith Dr. M. L. King, Sr. Bishop Ernest L. Hickman Mr. T. M. Alexander, Sr. Mrs. Eu...Tli ce Cooper Dr. John A. Middleton, Pres. Morris Brown Dr. Benjamin E. Mayes, Pres., Morehouse Dr. Rufus E. Clement, Pres., Atlanta University Dr. Albert E. Manley, Pres. Spelman Dr. Harry V. Richardson, Pres. ITC

�VIOLENCE IS NOT THE WAY

• • . Atlanta Branch NAACP

The events occurring in our city a few nights ago when a few people interfered with an officer of the law in the routine execution of his duty has caused some alarm and deep concern on our part as citizens in this community who take seriously our responsibility as citizens.

No one

can honestly deny the facts of history -- facts which show that Negro people have been and still are victims of injustices and wrongs.

We are

just as determined as any to work continuously and with vigor to eliminate any and all injustice in this city.

We do not believe , however , that one

wrong can be made right by committing another wrong. violence no

The way of

matter by whom perpetuated is wrong and it creates more

problems tha n it solves. i nnocent children. by any people.

Worst of all , violence a lways victimi z e s the

This course i s not wise and should not be follow ed

There i s a w ay to protes t.

in our Constitution.

The frame w ork i s set out

All people should w o rk t o s ee:

1.

That it is preserved and honor ed.

2.

That all who live under

it, live~

it.

V i olence or inciting t o riot does neither of these.

As citizens

who live he re and who are determined t o make Atlanta a more just city we pledge our support of law and o rder.

We call for wisdom and calmness

on the part of all • • • the police and the people alike.

Level heads , pure

hearts when joined in a common purposeD remove fear and release untapped energies for good.

Atlant~D t hough imperfect, is too good to

�NAACP Statement

Page 2

be destroyed by rashness no matter from what quarter.

Those who are

engaged in the struggle for human injustice anywhere in this nation must have friends.

No man, no nation, no group of people can go it alone •.

Cooperation is the way to achieve righteous goals.

�-------------------~-~-----------~------------------

June 10, 1966

Chief Herbert T . J enkins A tlanta Police Department 17 5 De catarr Street A tlanta, G eorgi a De ar Chief:

I am r e turn ing your packet of i nformation from the Civil Rights C o nference. I am sure that it was a very highly interesting mee ting and I hope that it has some positive results.

Sincerely yours.

Dan E. Sweat

DES:fy Attachment

�CITY O F A T LAN TA DEPARTMENT of POLICE Atlanta 3, Georgia

J une 6 , 1966 HERBERT T . JENKINS Ch i ef

Mr. Dan E . sweat , Jr. Ma.yor ' s Office City Hall Atlant a , Georgi a

Dear Dan :

Attached hereto i s my f ile f r an the Whi te House Conference that I attended. I at tended all of the neetings and the Planning Sessi on l ast f all and the regular sessi on l ast week. Presi dent Johnson , Vioe Presi dent Humphrey , and Attorney General Kat zenbach made it abundantly clear at both neetings that the Johnsen Administration was ccmnitted and dedicated in not only giving the A'Uerican Negro all the rights and privileges of f i rst cl ass citizenship , but t o also give them eve:ry possibl e assistanoe in obtaining these rights . '!here were only a few hundred people attending the planning sessi on , but about 2500 attended the general session last week. It was a very infonnative and interesting rceeting as well as a ve:ry interested group of individuals, as you can tell by the attadled file . Please retum the file when you have fci.nished

with it. Sincerely yours, HTJ:gp attach

Chief of Polled

�May 4, 1966

MEMORANDUM To:

Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr.

From: Dan Sweat Subject : Atlanta Hospitals and Civil Rights Compliance

The U . S . Department of Health, Education and Welfare is greatly concerned about the fact that no major hospital facility in the Atlanta area has met the Civil Rights compliance requirements and a a result will run into major problem hortly after July 1. One big problem is that HEW will not be able to allow any Medica re expenses to be incurred at Gra dy or the other major ho pitals. Mr. Pete P a ge, R egional Administrator of HEW, ys that they are holding up a gr nt £or several million doll rs for a vocational rehabilitation project at Grady and that Grady ha recently missed a izable grant for C a ncer re earch becau e of non-complianc .

H point d out th the and hi repre ent tiv s met sever 1 we ks ago with the ho pital a dmini trators and official but they have had no corr spond nee from the ho pital • Mr . Page say th t h and his sta ff ar willing to work night nd d y to do what ver th y c n to help th hospitals get in a position to me t th require .. ments n ce ary for continued participation in HEW program •

�Mayor Allen P a ge Two May 4, 1966

I don ' t know what we could, or should , do about the situation but thought that you would be interested in this information.

DS :fy

cc: Mr . R. Earl Landers

�Atlanta, Geor · August lS, 19 7

-•

·z Paschall

ccutive. Dir .ctor Co ni y olati 120'.3 Ci :, Rall

tlanta, D

C

3030.3

r nt 1n co!WUI\... ...,.

!feral re

t.

e.

�Page 2

0£ looking ou.t for t he so-called pros . I . mve another question. Will E.O. A. p pro r, that till that all put ney in the poor citi.zetis pocket$?

I y ve to rely u n "The e .ho 11 a • I hairi m 'li.th the e E. O. A. chosen i'e-v for so ~ ns 'W'ltil I sick. For each ose the i dentical f e •t a.re notified, and call t.o meot a.rd decide f or the co..w""'....Us118J.ly the deel.sion is . _eady de; he c to ru t l ~,..,,,....,.l_..y approval to it. it•a good or b , it is never discuss .isf ctol'Uy'. T 1at is another· r so I am no · so eager to continue to deceive m.y-s my n, · bo.rhood, and in:,- f rie s .

Unlike ral. o-. · __ of gettin results.

· hi.ir, I

y not :return, unless I s

t

�City of Atlanta

COMMUNITY IMPROVEMENT PROGRAM Memorandum

Date:

From: _ _G _ e_o...., rg,__e_

August 10, 1966

L_._A _ ld_r_i_d =ge-', _J_r_. _ _ _ __ _ __ _ __ __

To: _ __ D~o~o ~ S~w~e ~o -Lt ____

_____ _ ____ _ _____

[x]

For your information

0

Please make necessary reply

D

Advise status of the attached

Attached is an exchange of correspondence between th is office and the Council on Human Relations of Greater Atlanta

FORM 30 · C· 1

Inc .

�FROM:

Ivan Allen, Jr.

~

For your information

D

Please refer to the attached correspondence and make the necessary reply.

D

F O RM 25-4

Advise me the status of the attached.

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