Box 3, Folder 14, Document 69

Box 3, Folder 14, Document 69

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CONTENTS

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GETTING STARTED

ORGANIZING THE COMMISSION
GOALS AND OBJECTIVES
SELECTING COMMISSION MEMBERS
STAFFING THE COMMISSION

THE COMMISSION IN OPERATION

HOW OTHER COMMISSIONS WORK

SOURCES OF ASSISTANCE

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1. Getting Started

What one citizen has described as the ‘‘com-
fortable, self-satisfied existence’’ of a certain
North Carolina town came to a sudden end
in 1960.

Two unrelated events caused the people of
this community to raise questions about their
way of life which had gone unchallenged for
more than 200 years.

One event forced the citizens of this com-
munity to reexamine race relations in their
city. The other required that they review the
entire economic structure of the community.

The latter event was the shutting down of
Southern Railway yards in the area, throwing
hundreds of workers out of work, The shutdown
was damaging both economically and psycho-
logically. Not only was the railroad operation
the major industry in the area, but it was a
symbol of industrial activity in the community.

The second event had its beginning nine
months earlier in a nearby community. Four
Negro college students had sought service at
the segregated lunch counter of a five-and-ten-
cent store in the other town. Service was
denied, so the students sat.

Now, just as the sit-ins had spread to
hundreds of cities throughout the South, they
threatened this economically troubled commun-
ity as it battled to overcome its economic plight.

Negro students at a local college picketed
the segregated movie theaters of the commun-
ity, and announced that they would also con-
duct sit-ins and demonstrations against other
places of public accommodation which still
had not desegregated.

The demonstrations surprised many white
citizens. They considered their community
further advanced in race relations than most
southern communities and saw no need for
demonstrations. They feared that protests
would frighten off the new industry the com-
munity needed, and also bring an angry, or
even violent, reaction from extremist factions.
An informal biracial committee of white and
Negro leaders met to consider the situation,

One request that arose from the meeting was
for the establishment of an official interracial

commission capable of the continual handling
of grievances. Presented to the city’s mayor,
the request was rejected.

But events were occurring which made it
imperative that the city have such an organi-
zation. Theater owners did agree to desegregate
their movie houses. Extremists, however, were
threatening to do bodily harm to any Negro
entering a desegregated theater. The day the
first Negroes entered the formerly all-white
theaters, known extremists did show up, but
failed to carry out their threat.

The biracial group that had met earlier was
nonetheless concerned that another confronta-
tion might not be as peaceful. So the group
began to meet as an unofficial human relations
commission.

Their first act was to convince the Negro
students to suspend demonstrations while they
attempted to correct further injustices in the
city. With the assistance of the Chamber of
Commerce and the Merchants Association, the
group began calling on businessmen and urging
them to integrate their facilities. Quiet negotia-
tions with the Board of Education brought the
beginnings of school integration. The city was
well on the way to solving its major racial
problems.

In 1962, a national organization named the
community an “All America City’’ because of
its success in rebuilding its economy and for
other citizen action achievements. While the
human relations program was not a part of its
entry in this competition, the community as-
suredly would not have received this award
had not its racial climate also been good.

Early that same year, the mayor introduced
an ordinance in city council to establish an
official biracial committee. On the day the
ordinance was adopted, members of the origi-
nal, informal committee sat in council cham-
bers and heard their names read among the
charter members of the official body.

That is how the Salisbury, N. C., Community
Services Committee was formed. Today, it is
an active force in the community. It has helped

‘ Salisbury immeasurably in resolving racial dis-

putes without undue friction.



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The community now has integrated all of its
places of public accommodations. The com-
mittee is working to promote merit employment
with the continuing assistance of the Salisbury-
Rowan County Chamber of Commerce and the
Salisbury-Rowan Merchants Association which
now have Negro members. The committee too
is working with an integrated school board in
trying to find a satisfactory solution to the
integration of Negro teachers in the commun-
ity's school system.

Other communities can profit from Salis-
bury’s experience without awaiting a crisis. The
racial problems of Salisbury are present in
every southern city, and appear in a different
form in most northern communities.

A commission on human relations may have
the most humble of origins. One very simple
beginning may be an informal parlor meeting
of a group of concerned citizens, white, Negro
or interracial. If members of this initial group
are all of one race, they should move immedi-
ately to become interracial. This interracial
group should next seek to invite as participants
representatives of a broad cross-section of the
entire community.

Another approach to formation of a human
relations commission may be through the
avenue of already existing organizations. Al-
most any church, civic, fraternal, neighborhood
or social group may provide the initiative for a
commission. Several groups, or chapters of
several groups, may act in concert.

Many communities never progress beyond
establishing an interracial committee with broad
representation from all segments of its popu-
lation. It remains an unofficial committee,
with perhaps no more than informal approval
of city fathers.

Organizations such as this—and indeed
those with official standing—may select a
variety of names, such as ‘“‘friendly reiations
council,"’ ‘community relations committee,"
“friendly neighbors,"’ ‘‘human relations com-
mittee,"’ etc. The most commonly used desig-
nation—and the one that best conveys the
nature and purpose of the organization—is
“human relations committee” or ‘‘commission."



A group without official status can and has
proved beneficial in tackling a community's
human relations problems. But the most effec-
tive bodies have been those constituted as
official human relations commissions under
local ordinance.

2. Organizing the Commission

The most effective commission on human
relations—one that is best suited to cope with
racial problems and help improve intergroup
understanding in the community—is one that is
created with a firm legal basis—a municipal
ordinance. This type of commission operates
with a clear and unmistakable official sanction.
The city council and the mayor, as representa-
tives of the city, are unquestionably on record
as favorable to the commission and its goals.
The commission has permanency. Its members
will not hesitate to tackle in a forthright man-
ner the issues and currents that otherwise
might lead to community dissension and racial
turmoil. Commission members may speak and
act with authority, without fear of reprisal or
reproach.

About 20 percent of the human relations
commissions in existence across the nation
operate under local ordinances. These include
commissions in Pittsburgh, Baltimore, Cleve-
land, New York, Toledo, Ohio, Erie, Pa., Des
Moines, lowa, and Louisville, Ky.

There are alternative, but less effective,
bases for a commission. It may be created by
proclamation of the mayor, with approval of
the city council, It may be created solely by a
mayor's proclamation or executive order, with-
out formal city council approval. These types
operate with some official sanctions, but ob-
viously not with the strong backing of city
fathers afforded under a local ordinance. Never-
theless, a commission established under procla-
mation offers greater potential than a private
citizens group or a quasi-legal body. Cities
with human relations agencies without enabling
ordinances include Phoenix, Ariz., Tampa, Fla.,
Alton, Ill., Durham, N.C., and Richmond, Va.




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A proper local ordinance should spell out the
scope and authority of a commission on human
relations. It should specify the number of
members on the commission and provide for
a specific term of office. The size of a commis-
sion may vary according to local conditions and
makeup of a community's population. General-
ly, a commission can function comfortably with
between five and 15 members. A larger com-
mission may prove too unwieldy for obtaining a
consensus. One too small may not have suffi-
cient manpower to cover its chores adequately.

A commission should meet periodically, at
least monthly. Its meetings should be public,
unless sensitive matters require a closed execu-
tive session,

There will be little service to the community
from a commission empowered to act only when
trouble is brought to its doorstep. A good
human relations commission has the authority
to initiate investigations into potential or actual
areas of trouble and tension. Of course, much
of a commission’s work will be that of quiet
probing and persuasion. But it should also
have the power, when necessary, to hold public
hearings and to request and summon the
presence of citizens.

The enforcement powers of a commission
naturally depend on the laws in the field of
civil rights-a community has to enforce. In
many communities with local ordinances ban-
ning discrimination in public accommodations,
housing and employment it is the commission
on human relations that is charged with their
enforcement. These powers should at least be
as broad as the 1964 Civil Rights Act and
prevailing state law.

3. Goals and Objectives

The best organized commission on human
relations will be ineffectual unless it sets for
itself clearly defined goals and objectives. In
fact these ought to be set forth in its establish-
ing ordinance or charter.

It should be made plain that a commission
is an instrument for orderly change toward the
goal of equal opportunity for all. The commis-
sion must seek actively to promote this goal.

—

— —,

It should do so by creating a climate of under-
standing, cooperation and mutual respect
among all citizéns. The commission should
keep open the channels of communications and
provide these channels when they do not exist.

Much of. the racial ills of a community result
from the frustrations of those without a pro-
cedure for airing their grievances. A commis-
sion should serve this function. It should strive
aggressively to prevent violence and ease ten-
sions. And it should provide the resources and
research into methods for accomplishing this
end.

A good commission is a leader in its com-
munity—not a mere follower. It is a mediator
when turbulence erupts, but it should provide
the groundwork that would make such media-
tion unnecessary.

4. Selecting Commission Members

Many an otherwise well organized and di-
rected human relations commission falters be-
cause its membership is not properly or care-
fully chosen.

The membership should reflect the composi-
tion of the community. It should be representa-
tive of religious groups, business interests, civil
rights organizations, labor unions and civic
bodies. It is wise to sound out leaders of these
groups before selecting commission members.

The prestige of a commission will mirror
that of its members. Particularly in a young
commission it is important that members be
persons of respect and influence in the com-
munity. It is equally important that their com-
mitment to the aims and programs of the com-
mission be unswerving.

Selection of minority group members must
be made with great care. For example, often
white leaders search for Negroes who will
merely reflect their own conception of the Negro
community. They look for Negroes whom they
trust. Their choice may not have the trust of
the Negro community. A Negro who enjoys a
fine status among white persons may not neces-
sarily have the same standing among Negroes.
Thus many, perhaps a majority of Negro citi-
zens, will be alienated and communications

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channels to them jammed. Certainly all ele-
ments of the Negro community, including those
thought of as extremist, should be canvassed
for advice.

The role of militant civil rights groups and
even those persons sometimes looked upon as
“‘extremists,"’ is of vital importance to a com-
mission on human relations. Direct contact
should be maintained with these groups. This
does not mean that it will be necessary, or even
wise, to appoint representatives of militant
groups to the commission. On the contrary, it
may be that such appointments would com-
promise the militant’s standing with his follow-
ers. He would sometimes be required to vote
on issues which would be contrary to the posi-
tion of his organization, preventing both the
commission from functioning effectively and
jeopardizing his own position of leadership.

Still, militancy must be acknowledged, un-
derstood and heard. It is imperative that the
commission maintain the closest contact and
mutual respect of these elements. It is an
absolute necessity that the activists in the civil
rights movement have a direct access to the
commission’s listening post. For they often
telegraph the direction in which the community
eventually must travel and the points of trouble
it is likely to encounter.

5. Staffing the Commission

A commission without an adequate staff is
seriously handicapped in its efforts to serve the
community in the field of human relations.

As a bare minimum every commission should
have a_ full-time, trained professional staff
member and a secretarial assistant. They
should operate from a permanent office.

Careful attention should be given to staff
qualifications. This is an essential for a com-
mission with a lone professional. He should
be a college graduate, preferably with a mas-
ter's degree in the social sciences or social
work. He should have experience in the fields
of community relations and community organi-
zation. It is desirable that he be a good public
speaker, resourceful in dealing with others and
an effective writer.

Above all, the post should never be consid-
ered a political plum or a refuge for cronies. It
is not necessary to limit the search within the
community. Often, in fact, a likely candidate
may be a staff member of a larger commission
in another city. He may be willing to accept a
position as director of an agency in a smaller
community for the challenge of helping to or-
ganize and develop such an agency.

It is difficult to specify a budget for a com-
mission. Obviously this depends on the size of
the staff, the work it is expected to accomplish
and the facilities it is given. A commission's
resources are expanded, of course, by organ-
ized volunteers and committees.

6. The Commission in Operation

A good starting point for any commission on
human relations is to learn more about the
community it serves. A commission ought to
be a source of expert knowledge on all matters
pertaining to human relations problems in the
community. It should undertake detailed sur-
veys to determine the patterns of employment,
housing, educational opportunities and leisure
life of its minority groups. For the financially
limited community, a cross-section of volunteer
community organizations might provide this
service.

This type of research should be a continuing
concern of the commission. There should be
periodic dissemination of all of the material
gathered through an active on-going public in-
formation program.

The commission should not overlook the
importance of publicizing itself. Even the most
elementary brochure or leaflet on its organiza-
tion and function should be given wide distri-
bution. Its executive director should not be a
stranger before local groups, to local newspaper
columns or on community airwaves. A periodic
newsletter is highly effective in keeping the
commission before the community and speak-
ing to its citizens.

A good human relations commission is well
known within local government. It should not
hesitate to provide advice to city fathers. It
ought to see that all arms of government oper-

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ate under policies and practices of nondiscrim-
ination and equality of opportunity. Local gov-
ernment must be a model for the rest of the
community.

When moments of crisis arise, the commis-
sion must be prepared through advanced plan-
ning. It should arrange procedures with local
law enforcement officials for coping with trouble
and violence. Similar arrangements should be
made with the mass media.

But a commission cannot merely operate a
fire bucket brigade. It should develop long

range programs that will minimize the chance:

of serious flareups. It should lead the efforts
to erase all discrimination in places of public
accommodations. It should search for realistic
programs for eliminating racial segregation in
schools, whether under law or de facto. It
should plot methods for improving the living
standards of minority groups confined to the
ghetto and enabling them to move freely and
orderly to neighborhoods throughout the com-
munity. It should make certain that discrimina-
tory barriers to any citizen’s right to vote are
dropped. It must encourage and push forward
equal opportunities for employment for all its
citizens, both in private industry and in govern-
ment. In most cases, to give official sanction
and direction to these efforts, a commission
will find it necessary to work for local ordi-
nances. Throughout all its activities, a com-
mission must attempt to educate its community
to an awareness of and desire to pursue these
goals and objectives.

7. How Other Commissions Work

Creation of human relations commissions is
not a recent occurrence in our nation's history.
As early as the 1920's there were committees
in many Southern communities. Today there are
more than 200 cities with some type of human
relations agency. Here are some examples of
how they have worked in some of these com-
munities.

New Rochelle, N.Y.—On June 21, 1964, the
same day that three civil rights workers disap-
peared in Philadelphia, Miss., a New Rochelle



policeman clubbed a 17-year-old Negro teen-
ager over the head, requiring his hospitalization

for a possible concussion. The Negro com-

munity became aroused over what it considered
police brutality. Several thousand persons, in-
cluding ‘angry teenagers, prepared to demon-
strate. A critical confrontation developed be-
tween the Negroes and the police department.
Working swiftly, the New Rochelle Human
Rights Commission opened lines of communi-
cation between police and municipal officials
and Negro leaders. The result: the police de-
partment held a human relations course for all
of its patrolmen; the hearing of the accused
Officer was speeded up; New Rochelle’s City
Council agreed to press the city’s business
community to hire more teenagers; the housing
authority began to acquire more integrated liv-
ing units; and the recreation commission ex-
panded its entire program.

Chicago, IIl—During the summer of 1964,
the Mayor’s Commission on Human Relations
observed that potentially explosive conditions
which had led to riots in other urban cities also
existed in Chicago. Feeling the urgency of the
situation, it brought together representatives
of the mass media, and the top city and police
department officials to explore the situation.
The result: mass media cooperated fully in
adopting guidelines for reporting racial inci-
dents in a non-provocative manner. The police
department instructed its officers in the proper
handling of arrests in predominantly Negro
areas. Not one case of police brutality was
reported during the entire summer. Chicago
remained peaceful.

Louisville, Ky.—In May, 1963, the Louis-
ville Human Relations Commission conducted
an extensive testing campaign to determine
whether public places were open to all the
city’s citizens. The survey found that 35
percent of the city’s restaurants were still
segregated and not likely to desegregate volun-
tarily. The result: the commission helped obtain
an ordinance prohibiting discrimination in
places of public accommodation.



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